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161.
While the metaphor of House parties as cartels is widely accepted, its application to the Senate is difficult as the majority party lacks the power to unilaterally manipulate rules and pass legislation. Nevertheless, several scholars have argued that the Senate majority party is able to employ nondebatable motions to table to exclude unwanted amendments with procedural rather than substantive votes. Does the motion to table yield negative agenda control or special party influence? Using an analysis of individual Senators' behavior on thousands of votes and an assessment of interest group scores, we find that motions to table do not elicit higher party influence or provide much political cover. A desire to speed up the legislative process, rather than to insulate members from electoral scrutiny, seems to motivate the use of motions to table. 相似文献
162.
Ian Hall 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2014,73(3):307-316
Australian International Relations (IR) was once a hybrid of American and European styles of political science, but today it is dominated by a British‐inspired post‐positivism which has its virtues – and its vices – and which utilises various interpretive and semi‐interpretive approaches. This paper welcomes the ‘interpretive turn’ in Australian IR, but recognises its weaknesses, and argues that, to overcome them, interpretivists must be clear about what interpretivism should and should not entail. It argues that a thoroughgoing interpretivism offers two things that qualitative work in Australian IR desperately needs: a revived focus on explaining international relations, as well as understanding it, and a renewed engagement with other fields and other modes of studying the field. 相似文献
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Ian Howard Dennis 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2009,3(1):29-49
The article reviews recent developments in England in the law of necessity as a defence to crime and calls for its further
extension. It argues that the defence of necessity presents the criminal law with difficult questions of competing values
and the ordering of harms. English law has taken a nuanced position on the respective roles of the courts and the legislature
in the ordering of harms, although the development of the law has been pragmatic rather than coherently theorised. The law
has granted necessity some scope as an exculpatory principle in the law of general defences, but it has also respected the
primacy of the legislature as the legitimate arbiter of many of the competitions of value that necessity throws up. The recognition
of necessity has not been in the form of a single unified defence of that name. Rather it has taken the form of a number of
defences, based on a principle of necessity, but with different nomenclature and different rationales. This approach to necessity
is defended as right in terms of principle and policy. Any further development of necessity as a general defence should be
restricted to two contexts, namely those of emergencies, and of conflicts of duty, where a danger of death or serious injury
is present.
相似文献
Ian Howard DennisEmail: |
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Ian King Reimut Zohlnhöfer Peter M.R. Stirk Anna Daun Joanna McKay 《German politics》2013,22(4):649-654
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AbstractOfficial figures claim that almost 3000 people were killed, and many more injured or displaced, in four days of rioting aimed at the Sikh population of Delhi in late October and early November 1984 following the assassination of Indira Gandhi. This article analyses the efforts made to address the human rights violations that occurred. It argues that as a divided democracy, India has struggled to do justice to the victims, despite multiple commissions of inquiry, compensation schemes and a prime ministerial apology. It argues that this has occurred not simply because of challenges commonly faced by democracies dealing with similar incidents, but also because of the particular problems faced in a context in which we see continuity of rule by a political elite allegedly implicated in the abuse and in which there is acute concern for the survival of a fragile divided polity. 相似文献
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