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排序方式: 共有153条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
141.
This paper focuses on the analysis of wage-price relationships during the period 1980–1991 in Poland. The dynamics of wage and price series under radical structural changes are examined, as well as the impact of earlier sharp price increases. The process of wages-to-prices adjustment both in the long- and short-term is analysed. The hypothesis that the introduction of economic reform (at the beginning of 1990) would result in a tendency towards the stabilization of real wages is investigated. This is done through integration and cointegration analysis of wage and price series with special attention being paid to the problems arising from theI(2) character of the variables investigated. The concept of polynomial cointegration is applied to formulate error correction terms for the short-run model of wages. The computations have been made using quarterly data. The results reflect an inhomogeneity of the period investigated, especially the effects of the introduction of economic reform at the beginning of 1990. The nonstationarity of real wages is confirmed, but not their tendency towards stabilization. 相似文献
142.
Karol Edward Sołltan 《Public Choice》1988,57(2):155-173
This paper tries to help bridge the inductive and the deductive traditions in the study of democracy. I identify two empirical patterns, which I call the paradox of conflict and the paradox of decision importance. More conflict ridden societies are both less likely to be democracies, and, when democratic, more likely to be consensual rather than majoritarian. Similarly, important (revolutionary, regime-transforming) decisions are less likely to be democratic but, when democratic, they are more likely to be consensual. I use a decision-cost-minimizing model of democracy to explain those patterns. The model is developed out of the metaphor of institutions as decision producing firms, attempting to maximize quality and minimize cost of those decisions. Its main intellectual source is the transaction cost-minimizing view of organizations but the formalism owes most to Buchanan and Tullock's Calculus of Consent. 相似文献
143.
144.
Gender Equality on the Boards of EU Companies: Between Economic Efficiency,Fundamental Rights and Democratic Legitimisation of Economic Governance
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Marek Szydło 《European Law Journal》2015,21(1):97-115
Currently, there is a large gap between the proportion of employed and well‐educated women and those sitting on the boards of EU companies. This gap should be significantly diminished because it is mandated by the EU fundamental right of equality between women and men (Article 23 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights), and by the need for democratic legitimisation of the EU and of its economic governance (Articles 2 and 3(3) TEU). However, the Commission's proposal for a directive on improving the gender balance among non‐executive directors of companies listed on stock exchanges does not constitute an appropriate legal solution for this problem because it infringes the principles of proportionality and subsidiarity. There are many other instruments than compulsory gender quotas that can be used by EU institutions to promote more gender‐balanced boards of EU companies. The potential of such measures has not been utilised yet in full. 相似文献
145.
Ida Bastiaens 《Democratization》2013,20(7):1132-1153
ABSTRACTHow do remittances affect democratization in developing countries? In this paper we reconcile divergent findings in the literature by examining the effect of remittances on procedural and liberal democracy in developing countries at various stages of their democratic development. Remittances are primarily sent to middle-class individuals and bypass government control. Yet, governments in countries receiving remittances want to tax this remittance income. Government officials therefore need to incentivize participation of the middle class in the formal economy by reducing the threat of expropriation. Improving procedural democracy, which assures citizens of improved property and rule of law protections, is one way to accomplish this. We argue that this relationship should only be present in mixed regime types, with the democratizing effect of remittances waning as the country’s level of democracy or autocracy strengthens. Further, we expect elements of liberal democracy, such as civil rights and equality under the law, to remain unchanged in all remittance-receiving countries. The middle class and governing elite are less incentivized to improve liberal democracy to limit the power and mobilization capacity of the poor and prevent increased redistribution. We test our theory on a dataset of developing countries from 1975 through 2011. 相似文献
146.
A simple method for quantification of contrast in a fingerprint is proposed. Contrast is defined as the average difference in intensity of pixels between valleys and ridges in a fingerprint. It is quantified from a scanner‐acquired image of the fingerprint using a histogram function of Adobe Photoshop. The method was validated with black inked prints and marks developed with aluminum powder. Moreover, we tested resistance of the method to rater‐dependent errors and dependence of the measurements on the resolution of an image and the model of the scanner. For both groups of fingerprints, the method gave coherent and easily interpretable quantitative values for contrast. There were no significant differences between measurements performed by different raters and by the same rater in a test–retest procedure. However, the method was found to be instrument dependent, as measurements were significantly affected by image resolution and the model of the scanner. 相似文献
147.
Ida Öun 《Social Justice Research》2013,26(4):400-421
This study explores the relationship between the actual division of housework and men’s and women’s perceived fairness in this regard. The central question is how the actual sharing of housework influences the perceptions of fairness in the division of housework. It is hypothesised that the perceptions of fairness differ between policy models. In countries where gender equality has been more present on the political agenda and dual-earner policies have been introduced, people are expected to be more sensitive to an unfair sharing or division of housework. By analysing the relationship between actual division of housework and perceptions of fairness in household work for 22 countries representing different family policy models, the study takes on a comparative perspective with the purpose of analysing the normative impact of policy. The analysis draws on data from the 2002 round of the International Social Survey Programme on family and changing gender roles. The results show that in countries that have promoted gender equality through the introduction of policies with an aim to promote dual roles in work and family, both women and men are more sensitive to an unfair division of household labour. The difference between perceptions in the different policy models is greater among men than among women, indicating that a politicization of the dual-earner family is more important for men’s equity perceptions than women’s. 相似文献
148.
Although the framework for protection of computer programs has been established in the European Union more than two decades ago, it has not undergone any major changes. Opinions of Advocate General Yves Bot have convinced the Court to advance the concept of the plurality of copyright regimes applicable to software: source code, object code and documentation would be protected under the Software Directive, whereas interfaces, programming languages, data formats and software manuals are dealt with as literary works under the InfoSoc Directive. In SAS Institute v WPL, the Court also ruled that copyright in a computer program cannot be infringed where the lawful acquirer of the license neither decompiled the object code nor copied the source code of the computer program, but merely studied, observed and tested that program in order to reproduce its functionality in a second program. This ruling paves the way and acknowledges the reverse engineering efforts on the Old Continent. 相似文献
149.
Over the last few years there has been a societal move away from a perception of drug users as criminals to a perception of the users as sick. Contrary to what one may expect from such a change, reported drug crimes against the penal code are at record-high levels. It is the contradictory inherent in these tendencies that will be emphasized and highlighted in this article. The open drug scenes in Oslo and the police control of the scenes have changed. During the last few years there has been a growing element of foreign citizens in the drug scenes, and the police control has focused on the foreigners. Could part of the explanation of the contradictions be that there is a differentiation of how the different users are handled? Are there different forms of social control employed toward Norwegian and foreign actors in the open drug scenes? This article puts forward arguments that this is actually the case, driven by a consistent association of foreign actors in the drug scene with organized crime, and a stricter Norwegian legislation and approach to immigration questions, with a tendency toward a conflation of immigration and criminal law. 相似文献
150.
Asmussen Ida Helene Adrian Lin Holmberg Lars Johansen Louise Victoria 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2022,28(1):79-95
European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research - Criminal policy processes often appear abstract and illusive, but sometimes a single criminal incident causes traceable policy impact. This... 相似文献