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121.
Isabel Eisenberg 《北京周报(英文版)》2012,55(32):48
The most common job amongst expats in Beijing,by far,is teaching English.Whether it is a full-time occupation or a way to earn some extra cash alongside studies or other work,many members of the expat community have experience working as teachers.
A seemingly insatiable demand for English speakers to teach adults as well as children to speak the lingua franca of the international business world has produced an array of language centers and schools of highly varying degrees of reliability.All Chinese people learn basic English in school,yet the general level of oral English remains poor and is often restricted to a handful of words (though the younger generations are getting much better).English classes once put heavy emphasis on the written form,but over the past decade more attention has been paid to speaking skills as China's youth look for opportunities to study and work abroad. 相似文献
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Justice in Our World and in that of Others: Belief in a Just World and Reactions to Victims 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Framed by the Belief in a Just World theory (BJW; Lerner, M. J. (1980). Belief in a just world: A fundamental delusion. New York: Plenum Publishing Corporation), this article presents two studies that analyze people’s reactions to the suffering
of victims belonging to an ingroup and an outgroup. In Study 1, participants viewed a videotaped film containing the victimization
story. The victim was presented as a non-categorized, ingroup or outgroup (Gypsy) victim. Threat to BJW was measured using
the modified Stroop task developed by Hafer (J Pers Soc Psychol 79:165–173, 2000). In the second study, a non-victimization story was introduced and a 2 (victim, non-victim) × 2 (ingroup, outgroup) between-subjects
design was used. Both studies show that the ingroup victim is more threatening to the BJW than the outgroup victim. The expected
secondary victimization of the ingroup victim was only obtained in the second study when a non-obtrusive derogation measure
was used.
相似文献
Cícero PereiraEmail: |
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This article provides a critical analysis of the current Australian regulatory landscape at the interface between genetics and reproductive decision-making. The authors argue that a comparative analysis with other countries and international law and a contextual examination of the way law regulates concepts such as disease and health, abnormality and normality is necessary before we can develop appropriate policy and legislative responses in this area. Specific genetic testing technologies are considered including prenatal genetic testing, preimplantation genetic diagnosis and inheritable genetic modification. An increasing number of members of the Australian community are using genetic testing technologies when they decide to have a baby. The authors argue that as concepts of disease and health vary among members of the community and the potential to test for traits other than illness increases, a new tension arises between an ethic of individual choice and a role for government in regulating reproductive decision-making. 相似文献
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Ana Corbacho Daniel W. Gingerich Virginia Oliveros Mauricio Ruiz‐Vega 《American journal of political science》2016,60(4):1077-1092
An influential literature argues that corruption behaves as a self‐fulfilling prophecy. Its central claim is that the individual returns to corruption are a function of the perceived corruptibility of the other members of society. Empirically, this implies that if one were to exogenously increase beliefs about societal levels of corruption, willingness to engage in corruption should also increase. We evaluate this implication by utilizing an information experiment embedded in a large‐scale household survey recently conducted in the Gran Área Metropolitana of Costa Rica. Changes in beliefs about corruption were induced via the random assignment of an informational display depicting the increasing percentage of Costa Ricans who have personally witnessed an act of corruption. Consistent with the self‐fulfilling prophecy hypothesis, we find that internalizing the information from the display on average increased the probability that a respondent would be willing to bribe a police officer by approximately .05 to .10. 相似文献
129.
This research note presents EPAC 2017, a dataset resulting from the second round of an expert survey on ethnonationalism in party competition. EPAC provides cross-sectional data on the positions of (ethno-) national and mainstream parties on an ethnonational (also often referred to as ‘territorial’ or ‘centre-periphery’) dimension, as well as other important dimensions of political competition. The 2017 edition covers 222 political parties in 22 multinational European countries. The research note presents the main survey items and performs a series of validity and reliability tests on the data. Results show that EPAC 2017 provides valid and reliable measures of party positions on an ethnonational dimension. A short analysis of party system changes in Spain and Bosnia and Herzegovina illustrates the opportunities of combining the 2011 and 2017 editions. The combined dataset allows studying the mobilization of the centre-periphery cleavage in party competition across Eastern and Western Europe and over time. 相似文献
130.
Beatriz Cuadrado Ballesteros Isabel M. García Sánchez José M. Prado Lorenzo 《International Public Management Journal》2013,16(1):53-84
ABSTRACT The process of local decentralisation of public services delivery has attracted research attention because of the wide range of factors that induce governments to make this decision. Nonetheless, most such studies have focused on economic and financial aspects, ignoring the impact of political factors. The scarce previous research about political factors is the motivation for this study. We used panel data models based on 153 Spanish municipalities with populations over 50,000 for the period 1999–2007. The process of decentralisation is disaggregated according to the legal form of the entities: corporations and foundations. Our results show that more corporatisation processes are carried out in environments where political competition is lower and the party in power enjoyed greater support in the last elections. Additionally, decentralisation processes usually take place in the years immediately following elections, especially through foundations. Furthermore, both forms of decentralisation are more likely to be initiated by right-wing politicians. 相似文献