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JOSÉ M. MAGONE 《Public administration》2011,89(3):756-782
Portugal has been characterized by a late discontinuous democratization process. This contribution discusses the case of state and public administration reform in Portugal by using approaches from democratization, modernization and Europeanization theories. In order to understand the Portuguese case, the concept of ‘neo‐patrimonialism’ is used. We characterize Portuguese public administration as still having ‘neo‐patrimonial’ features, and therefore is still in transition from old closed‐minded practices such as particularistic decision making or clientelistic relationships to new open‐minded ones. The ‘new’ governance agenda combines new public management instruments and a growing flexibilization of public administration towards networks with non‐statal actors and has certainly led to some improvement in the quality of the services associated with public administration. Although is still too early to assess, top‐down and horizontal Europeanization processes, particularly since the late 1990s, may have contributed to a more reflexive approach in moving towards a more endogenous strategic vision based on the needs of the Portuguese state and public administration. 相似文献
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This article addresses the determinants of regulatory agency design in multiparty‐coalition governments. Previous research has mainly focused on U.S. institutions, producing context‐specific findings. We found electoral uncertainty, government turnover, and coalition size to be key factors explaining the bureaucratic autonomy of 31 state regulatory agencies recently created at the subnational level in Brazil. The legislative support that chief executives enjoy only acquires explanatory power when it is interacted with government turnover. Because Brazilian governors have great ability to build oversized majority coalitions, coalition strength influences the governor's strategy when the governor faces credible threats from rival elite groups. 相似文献
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HervÉ Tchumkam 《Peace Review》2018,30(4):463-469
Between 1988 and 2000, thousands of lives were taken in Algeria at the hands of a violence that sought justification in religion—Islam. While these events can be understood as the direct consequence of decolonization and the bloody Algerian War that lasted eight years, it is important to note that the rise of terrorist violence in Algeria has had consequences beyond its national boundaries. For instance, renowned historian Benjamin Stora has argued that the treatment of Islam in contemporary France appears to have been shaped by the long and bloody conflict that resulted in Algeria obtaining its independence. As Stora points out, “the War with Algeria continues through the struggle against Islam, which today is masked as a fight against Islamic ‘fundamentalism’—a word that is curiously borrowed from vocabulary that is specific to Christianity. The observance of a France that is rooted in the purity of a mythical identity, endlessly threatened, is what legitimizes, a priori, all violence, all measures of ‘war’ in a defense against the ‘invaders.’” 相似文献
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BERTIL DUNÉR 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1-2):89-104
ABSTRACT International human rights NGOs have warned that human rights have been threatened since September 11. However, the matter is complicated since what is involved is in reality a relationship between two concepts: human rights and security against terrorism. This article demonstrates that there is a tendency for international human rights NGOs to brush aside questions on security against terrorism. NGOs have stipulated that human rights values should be superior, or they have maintained, but failed to show, that there is no goal conflict between security and human rights—even that human rights fulfil a considerable instrumental function with respect to freedom from terrorism. 相似文献
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RENÉ GIRARD 《新观察季刊》2013,30(4):59-64
Going through a protracted period of transition since the end of the Cold War, the world order in the making is neither what was nor what it is yet to become. It is in “the middle of the future.” To get our bearings in this uncertain transition, we explore the two grand post‐Cold War narratives—“The End of History” as posited by Francis Fukuyama and “The Clash of Civilizations” posited by the late Samuel Huntington. Mikhail Gorbachev looks back at his policies that brought the old order to collapse. The British philosopher John Gray critiques the supposed “universality” of liberalism and, with Homi Bhabha, sees a world of hybrid identities and localized cultures. The Singaporean theorist Kishore Mahbubani peels away the “veneer” of Western dominance. Amartya Sen, the economist and Nobel laureate, assesses whether democratic India or autocratic China is better at building “human capacity” in their societies. 相似文献
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Étienne Charbonneau Geneviève Morin Itizez Slama Fatou Bèye 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2020,63(3):409-428
For about twenty years, Public Administration scholars have used the data from the Public Service Employee Survey (PSES) for their research. Two studies evaluated the uses of data, measurement models and internal validity of the U.S. government’s Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey (FEVS), and none on the use of PSES data. The article reviews studies that used Canadian PSES data to promote social science research and seeks to stimulate discussion of PSES's future and opportunities for strategic human resources research in Canada. [The table most useful for researchers is available here in English: Table 3. Aggregation of PSES Elements Assigned to Theoretical Constructs.] 相似文献
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Tom Long SebastiÁn Bitar Gabriel JimÉnez-PeÑa 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2020,39(4):466-482
The study of Colombian foreign policy emphasises external constraints and presidential prerogative in foreign policymaking. Drawing on insights from recent foreign policy analysis literature and evidence from several cases (Plan Colombia, US military bases, free trade talks with China, and ICJ arbitration of a maritime border with Nicaragua), this article challenges commonplace presidentialist assumptions. A novel model of ‘contested presidentialism’ better captures how Colombian domestic actors mobilise to raise political costs to block or modify presidential preferences. When the opposition fails to raise costs, presidentialist assumptions apply. Otherwise, presidents respond strategically by abandoning policies or substituting second-best alternatives. 相似文献