全文获取类型
收费全文 | 3573篇 |
免费 | 156篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 210篇 |
工人农民 | 99篇 |
世界政治 | 350篇 |
外交国际关系 | 260篇 |
法律 | 1476篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 37篇 |
政治理论 | 1253篇 |
综合类 | 42篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 29篇 |
2020年 | 44篇 |
2019年 | 70篇 |
2018年 | 106篇 |
2017年 | 115篇 |
2016年 | 113篇 |
2015年 | 76篇 |
2014年 | 94篇 |
2013年 | 597篇 |
2012年 | 77篇 |
2011年 | 105篇 |
2010年 | 96篇 |
2009年 | 109篇 |
2008年 | 104篇 |
2007年 | 100篇 |
2006年 | 108篇 |
2005年 | 115篇 |
2004年 | 103篇 |
2003年 | 95篇 |
2002年 | 116篇 |
2001年 | 76篇 |
2000年 | 77篇 |
1999年 | 65篇 |
1998年 | 59篇 |
1997年 | 60篇 |
1996年 | 38篇 |
1995年 | 51篇 |
1994年 | 58篇 |
1993年 | 52篇 |
1992年 | 40篇 |
1991年 | 53篇 |
1990年 | 35篇 |
1989年 | 50篇 |
1988年 | 29篇 |
1987年 | 36篇 |
1986年 | 40篇 |
1985年 | 41篇 |
1984年 | 31篇 |
1983年 | 43篇 |
1982年 | 41篇 |
1981年 | 50篇 |
1980年 | 36篇 |
1979年 | 39篇 |
1978年 | 35篇 |
1977年 | 19篇 |
1976年 | 32篇 |
1975年 | 17篇 |
1974年 | 19篇 |
1973年 | 20篇 |
1969年 | 17篇 |
排序方式: 共有3729条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
111.
Although research has documented the majority of homelessness experienced by individuals and families in the US to be transitional rather than chronic, the mechanisms by which some families successfully escape homelessness while other do not remains relatively unclear. To provide more information to this area of inquiry, this study analyzed the transitional nature of homelessness for a sample of families with school-aged children who were homeless under the McKinney-Vento definition. By conducting a survey with over 1000 homeless families with children enrolled in two public school systems in Central Florida, we find that over a quarter of families exit homelessness in less than six months. We compare these families to those that remained homeless to examine the potential importance of demographic differences and other potential barriers to securing housing. Many of the commonly assumed barriers were not significant predictors of continued homelessness; the most salient difference between the groups was income underscoring the importance of employment opportunities for families to allow them to exit homelessness. 相似文献
112.
James Khalil 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2014,37(2):198-211
This article develops and elaborates on three core points. First, as with research into other social science themes, it is argued that it is necessary to apply the logic of correlation and causality to the study of political violence. Second, it highlights the critical disjuncture between attitudes and behaviors. Many or most individuals who support the use of political violence remain on the sidelines, including those who sympathize with insurgents in Afghanistan (reportedly 29 percent in 2011), and those supportive of “suicide attacks” in the Palestinian Territories (reportedly reaching 66 percent in 2005). Conversely, those responsible for such behaviors are not necessarily supportive of the ostensible political aims. Third, it is argued that the motives that drive these attitudes and behaviors are often (or, some would argue, always) distinct. While the former are motivated by collective grievances, there is substantial case study evidence that the latter are commonly driven by economic (e.g., payments for the emplacement of improvised explosive devices), security-based (i.e., coercion) and sociopsychological (e.g., adventure, status, and vengeance) incentives. Thus, it is necessary for the research community to treat attitudes and behaviors as two separate, albeit interrelated, lines of inquiry. 相似文献
113.
The transnational agrarian social movement Vía Campesina is campaigning to have the United Nations negotiate and implement a Declaration, and eventually an International Convention, on Peasants' Rights. This article analyzes the origins and demands of the campaign and the place of the claimed rights in international law. Peasant organizations hope to follow in the footsteps of indigenous peoples' movements that participated in the negotiations preceding the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The peasants' rights campaign has succeeded in linking its demands to discussions of the right to food in the United Nations, where concern is growing over the approach of the 2015 target for realizing the Millennium Development Goals, in particular the halving of the numbers of people suffering from hunger. The campaign is likely to face stiff resistance from powerful UN member states, but could achieve substantial advances even if the path to a convention is difficult or never completed. 相似文献
114.
115.
Do contemporary Bulgarian and Romanian radical right movements represent a legacy of interwar fascism? We argue that the key element is not that interwar movements provided legacies (of structures, ideologies, or organizations) but rather a symbolic “heritage” that contemporary movements can draw upon. The crucial legacy is, rather, the Socialist era, which in asserting its own definitions of interwar fascism created a “useable past” for populist movements. The Peoples’ Republics created a flawed historical consciousness whereby demonized interwar rightist movements could be mobilized after 1989 as historical expressions of “anti-Communist” — and, ergo, positive symbols among those of anti-Communist sentiment. Although radical right parties in both countries may cast themselves as “heirs” to interwar fascism, they share little in common in terms of ideology. Their claims to a fascist legacy is, rather, a factor of how their respective Socialist states characterized the past. 相似文献
116.
How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position 下载免费PDF全文
Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government. 相似文献
117.
Michael A. Gottfried and Gilberto Q. Conchas,eds., When School Policies Backfire: How Well‐Intentioned Measures Can Harm Our Most Vulnerable Students (Cambridge,MA: Harvard Education Press, 2016). 222 pp. $33.00 (paper), ISBN: 9781612509075
下载免费PDF全文
James V. Shuls 《Public administration review》2018,78(4):650-651
118.
119.
James Leigland 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1997,17(2):57-79
The advantages of using municipal bonds to finance urban infrastructure are increasingly evident to policymakers in emerging economies, some of whom are undertaking efforts to accelerate the development of municipal bond markets in their countries. Many of these efforts use the strengths of the U.S. municipal market as a guide to suggest the kinds of market characteristics necessary to attract issuers as well as investors to the marketplace. Features of the U.S. market are often difficult to recreate in these countries in the short run, but policymakers are using a variety of innovative techniques to approximate essential market characteristics. This article reviews these efforts in four emerging economies: Indonesia, the Philippines, Poland, and South Africa. 相似文献
120.
James Clingermayer 《Public Choice》1993,77(4):725-738
This analysis examines two alternative explanations for the adoption of comprehensive zoning ordinances in the years immediately following its initial adoption in New York City. The market failure explanation predicts zoning adoption in cities where externality problems (represented by heavy incidence of manufacturing) exist. The distributive policymaking model treats zoning as a form of regulation that is most likely to be found in cities where local legislators are elected from geographically-concentrated constituencies (e.g., wards) and therefore try to target policy benefits to their own constituencies while spreading the policy costs over all constituencies. Some support is found for each model. Especially striking is the interactive effect of ward representation and of economic interest (i.e., levels of home ownership). 相似文献