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181.
This note evaluates relative ability of the proximity and recently proposed directional variants of the spatial model of voter choice to account for candidate evaluations in US presidential elections contested between 1980 and 1992. I do this by estimating a statistical model that represents voter preference for a candidate as a weighted average of proximity and directional components. The analysis corroborates previous studies supporting the directional model, but illustrate that these results are sensitive to statistical specification. Alternative methodological specifications favor a mixed directional-proximity model and the traditional distance representation. 相似文献
182.
James L. Gibson 《Political Behavior》2005,27(4):313-323
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought
to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate
that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient
opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in
all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical
work on political tolerance and intolerance.
* I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper. 相似文献
183.
184.
James R. Tilley 《Political studies》2005,53(2):442-453
This research note explores the mechanisms behind age differences and changes over time in one of the two major value dimensions in British politics, libertarian-authoritarianism. I show that the British electorate has become substantially more libertarian over the last 30 years, but that older people have remained more authoritarian than younger people over this period. Conventionally, due to the problem of the under-identification of models containing age, period and cohort variables, it is difficult to assess whether this indicates generational differences, and generational change, or not. This paper overcomes some of these problems however, by measuring social ageing factors, such as marriage, and using panel data to rigorously assess how individuals change due to these social ageing factors. I find little evidence of psychologists' claims that social ageing leads to increases in authoritarianism, and conclude that both age differences and changes over time are generational in nature. 相似文献
185.
James E. Swiss 《Public administration review》2005,65(5):592-602
Many governmental results-based management systems have not produced the expected positive effects. This article analyzes the reasons for this common disappointment by looking at three components of results-based management—results-specific information, capacities, and incentives—and concludes that incentives are often the least developed. It then synthesizes a simple framework for evaluating the efficacy of results-oriented incentives. To be successful, results-specific incentives must be tailored to fit four program characteristics: timeliness, political environment, clarity of the cause-and-effect chain, and tightness of focus. This framework suggests that some systems put too exclusive an emphasis on budgetary incentives and could be strengthened by emphasizing personnel-system rewards, especially those that look beyond business models. 相似文献
186.
187.
Ashli J. Sheidow Martha K. Strachan Joel A. Minden David B. Henry Patrick H. Tolan Deborah Gorman-Smith 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(7):821-829
Research examining the relationship between internalizing symptoms and antisocial behaviors has generally been cross-sectional
in design. Thus, although extant data have substantiated a strong correlation between internalizing symptoms and antisocial
behaviors, few studies have focused on describing the nature of the co-occurrence over time. This study examined the relation
between growth in internalizing symptoms and longitudinal patterns of antisocial behavior in a sample of 283 inner-city males
and their caregivers assessed as part of a longitudinal developmental risk study. Participants were assessed annually in four
waves. Non-offenders and escalating offenders had lower levels of internalizing problems at wave 1 than did chronic minor
and serious-chronic-violent offenders. Results revealed a developmental trend of decreasing internalizing problems across
study years for most participants, as would be expected, with adolescents participating in serious, chronic, and violent patterns
of antisocial behavior displaying greater internalizing problems than those participating in stable patterns of less serious
or no antisocial behavior. Further, when there was escalation of seriousness and frequency of antisocial behavior, there also
was increased internalizing problems relative to non-escalating juveniles. Results are discussed in the context of developmental
psychopathology.
相似文献
Ashli J. SheidowEmail: |
188.
Self-Rated Pubertal Development,Depressive Symptoms and Delinquency: Measurement Issues and Moderation by Gender and Maltreatment 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Sonya Negriff Michelle T. Fung Penelope K. Trickett 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(6):736-746
This cross-sectional study examined relationships between pubertal development, depressive symptoms and delinquency in a sample
of 241 males and 213 females aged 9–13 years. Four objectives were set forth for this study: (1) to examine relationships
between pubertal stage or timing and depressive symptoms and delinquency; (2) to compare continuous and categorical measures
of pubertal timing; (3) to examine gender as a moderator of these relationships, and (4) to examine maltreatment as a moderator
of these relationships. Results indicated that mature pubertal stage and early (continuous) pubertal timing were both related
to higher delinquency whereas only early pubertal timing was related to depressive symptoms. Categorical timing was not related
to depressive symptoms or delinquency. Neither gender nor maltreatment were found to be moderators. These findings provide
evidence against equating pubertal stage, continuous timing, and categorical timing, and highlight the need to identify possible
moderators in research on pubertal development.
相似文献
Penelope K. TrickettEmail: |
189.
Suicide is an important public health problem in China: It is the fifth leading cause of death in China, and suicide in China accounts for over 30% of the world's overall suicide deaths. The substantial burden due to suicide has not been well recognized. This study aims to provide an estimate of the socioeconomic burden of the suicide problem in China in terms of years of life lost (YLL) and to discuss its implications. Suicide rates and the related YLL by age, gender, and region (urban/rural) from 1990 to 2000 were estimated using the most recent data from the Ministry of Health of China. The suicide rate in rural China was three times higher than that in urban areas. Suicide completers in rural areas shared 90% of total YLL. Rural women aged 25-39 years contributed the largest share of YLL. Our results show that some population subgroups contributed a disproportionate share to the disease burden of suicide. National strategies for suicide prevention should include targeted programs in catering the need of these specified subgroups in China. 相似文献
190.
This article focuses on whether the provision of 'objectively' correct information to voters about where parties stand on an issue affects their placement of the parties, and ultimately their own position, on that issue. Classic theories of how mass publics make voting decisions assume that voters are able relatively accurately to place themselves and the parties on various issue dimensions. While these assumptions have been challenged, it is generally assumed that the provision of new information makes voters' placements more informed. We explicitly test this idea using a survey experiment focusing on one political issue – European integration. In the experiment, all respondents were twice asked to place the three main British parties and themselves on a bipolar scale of European integration. This was done towards the beginning, and then at the end of the survey. Most respondents were also given information on the 'informed' positions of the parties, derived from expert survey placement. Our analyses indicate that individuals' placements did change, and the tendency was related to both political sophistication and the inherent difficulty of placing the party. Only less sophisticated voters updated their placements, and these changes are concentrated on the placement of the Labour party, where the elite stance on Europe has been more conflicted. For all respondents we do not detect any corresponding changes in self-placement that would be congruent with 'cueing' effects. 相似文献