James K. Scott 《Public administration review》2006,66(3):341-353

To what extent do local government Web sites support practical, meaningful public involvement? Fifteen years after the adoption and diffusion of the World Wide Web, the answer to this question remains cloudy and controversial. The promise—and peril—of Web‐based public involvement, known as e‐democracy, has been widely debated. Much of the debate has focused on theoretical abstractions or extrapolations of current political or technological trends. Empirical studies have been limited to reports on pilot projects, case studies, or special population surveys. This paper contributes to our empirical understanding of the question. It reports results of a recent comprehensive survey of official government Web sites in the principal cities of the 100 largest U.S. metropolitan areas. In particular, it examines whether and how U.S. city government Web sites facilitate users’ involvement in local public issues.  相似文献   

    

James M. McCormick 《Politics & Policy》2006,34(2):426-450

This article examines the evolution of the Bush Administration’s foreign policy approach and assesses how that evolution has affected European‐American relations in the recent past and how it may affect ties in the future. The twin concepts of a conceptual gap and an action gap between America and Europe over U.S. foreign policy are utilized as organizing themes. The former refers to the gap between Europe and America over the assumptions that govern U.S. foreign policy behavior; the latter refers to the gap in the policy behavior of these parties. The so‐called “war on terror” serves as the principal reference point in discussing these gaps. The article’s conclusion is ultimately an optimistic one. A conceptual gap in foreign policy will likely remain between Western Europe (and much of the European Union) and America, but the action gap between the two sides has already narrowed and will likely continue to do so.  相似文献   

    

James I. Walsh 《Politics & Policy》2005,33(4):642-670

Governments offer us the promise of rewards or the threats of punishment to secure favorable international bargains, but they also draw on reasoned arguments to convince their bargaining partners to accept mutually beneficial agreements. Works that have studied such attempts at persuasion hold that it is most likely to succeed when the states involved share important normative values or are uncertain about what is the “right” action to take. Drawing on rational choice theory of strategic communication, this study seeks to expand understanding the conditions under which attempts at persuasion in international politics succeed or fail. Persuasion can occur for reasons other than shared values; under some conditions, one state can persuade another by altering the latter's beliefs about the rewards associated with available foreign policy options.  相似文献   

    

James J. Bason 《Politics & Policy》2005,33(3):581-593

Using data collected from the Fall 2003 Georgia Poll, this research note examines the proportion of Georgians who are aware of National and Georgia Do Not Call legislation and estimates the proportion of Georgians who report being registered on the Do Not Call Registry. The estimated number of Georgians who report being signed up on the Do Not Call Registry is then compared to the number of Georgians who have actually signed up on the registry. A secondary analysis examines public understanding of Do Not Call legislation by examining knowledge of what types of organizations may not call a household on the Do Not Call Registry, which organizations are not covered by Do Not Call legislation, and attitudes towards receiving unsolicited telephone calls from different types of organizations.  相似文献   

    

James E. Swiss 《Public administration review》2005,65(5):592-602

Many governmental results-based management systems have not produced the expected positive effects. This article analyzes the reasons for this common disappointment by looking at three components of results-based management—results-specific information, capacities, and incentives—and concludes that incentives are often the least developed. It then synthesizes a simple framework for evaluating the efficacy of results-oriented incentives. To be successful, results-specific incentives must be tailored to fit four program characteristics: timeliness, political environment, clarity of the cause-and-effect chain, and tightness of focus. This framework suggests that some systems put too exclusive an emphasis on budgetary incentives and could be strengthened by emphasizing personnel-system rewards, especially those that look beyond business models.  相似文献   

    

Ralph G. Carter  James M. Scott 《Politics & Policy》2004,32(1):34-70

This article examines the characteristics of individual members of Congress who become “foreign policy entrepreneurs.” Rather than simply responding to an administration's foreign policy requests, such legislators try to lead Congress by initiating action on the foreign policy issues they care about rather than awaiting administration action. This study examines foreign policy entrepreneurs across a number of factors, including the parties to which they belong, the chambers in which they serve, the various legislative access points they employ, and the different legislative tactics they use. Also examined are the changes in such patterns over time. We test hypotheses about the characteristics and behavior of entrepreneurs using a data set of 2,621 instances of entrepreneurial behavior across the post‐World War II period. We conclude that congressional foreign policy entrepreneurs are increasingly salient players in the foreign policy process and are driven by policy disagreements and partisan calculations.  相似文献   

    

Howard Bloom  Carolyn Hill  James Riccio 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2004,23(2):403-404

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James C. Juhnke 《和平与变革》2002,27(3):437-450

We can achieve a more truthful understanding of the American War for Independence, a sacred event in national mythology, if we free ourselves from the myth of redemptive violence. A peace‐minded revisionist view must examine economic, political, social, and moral dimensions of the war.  相似文献   

    

James Satterwhite 《和平与变革》2002,27(4):600-611

From the end of the 1980s until the late 1990s the main form of response on the part of the Kosovar Albanians to the Serbian repression initiated by Miloševíc was a campaign of nonviolent resistance. This campaign ultimately gave way to a more violent form of resistance when the Albanians became disillusioned by its lack of success, which in turn provoked a more violent Serbian response. This article assesses whether concrete initiatives by international organizations in the period from 1989 to 1999 could have helped support the nonviolent resistance to Serb repression and concludes that there were many ways in which more international support for this strategy could have helped avert the war in 1999 by strengthening nonviolent options.  相似文献   

    

James A Caporaso 《Journal of common market studies》1996,34(1):29-52

This article sets out to chart the evolving institutional structure of the EU, in the context of theories about forms of state. ‘Forms of state’ are taken to be conceptually possible expressions of political authority organized at the national and transnational levels, here dealt with as emphases and qualities to be accented rather than phenomena to be sorted into categories. The EU is examined in the light of three stylized state forms - the Westphalian state, the regulatory state and the post-modem state. Each of these captures important elements of the evolution of the EU, and provides support for analysis of its development as a form of ‘international state’. Such an analysis implies attention not only to forms of state, but also to related concepts such as government and governance which give leverage on the exploration of ‘international state forms’. Conclusions are drawn about the power of the three ‘metaphors’ used, and the relationship to possible empirical studies.  相似文献