A Straight Playing Field or Queering the Pitch? Centring Sexuality in Social Policy

This article argues that there is a lack of theorizing about sexuality within social policy in what is referred to as the mainstream and more surprisingly within feminist social policy. This is particularly surprising given the presence of sexuality in recent as well as past social policies as well as in social theory. The purpose of this article is not merely to argue that a relationship between sexuality and social policy should be examined but rather to explore and outline the specific nature of the relationship and its implications for both sexuality and the discipline of social policy. Specifically, how do prevalent sexuality discourses inform and constitute social policy and what are the social relations involved in this process? Correspondingly, what role does social policy play in constituting what we know to be the ‘truths’ of sexuality? What exclusions and inclusions result from these dominant social relations and discourses when ‘played’ through social policy?That sexuality has failed to be analytically incorporated within the discipline of social policy is addressed. First, reasons for the lack of theorizing are explored. Specifically, the historical development of the discipline and the formation of an implicit consensus about what constitute the real concerns of welfare. Second, there is an examination of the ways feminist social policy has or has not engaged with sexuality. The final section posits an emergent framework for integrating sexuality into social policy analyses and critiques.     

Liberal “chefs de cabinets ministeriels” in Quebec: keeping politics in policy-making

Abstract: During the Parti Québécois tenure of office, relations between chiefs of staff and senior officials were frequently characterized by conflict. By contrast, current Liberal chiefs of staff have managed to establish harmonious relations with senior officials. These different relations are explained by comparing the social origins, career paths and ideological inclinations of Péquiste chiefs of staff with those of their Liberal successors. The social origins of the two groups are of little significance in explaining their different relations with senior officials. However, the para-public service experiences of Péquiste chiefs of staff and their interventionist-oriented ideological inclinations largely account for the tension and conflict which tended to characterize their relations with senior officials. The public service experiences and non-interventionist predispositions of Liberal chiefs of staff have largely been responsible for their co-operative relations with senior officials. In the final analysis, the professional experiences and ideological inclinations of Liberal chiefs of staff have enabled them to acquire a clear understanding of the functions of their office. Moreover, these experiences and inclinations have shaped their determination to separate the political from the technical aspects of policy-making in order to maintain harmonious relations and to enhance their ministers' control over the politics of policy-making. Sommaire: Pendant le mandat du Parti québécois, les directeurs de cabinet et les hauts fonctionnaires ont souvent entretenus des relations conflictuelles. En revanche, sous le gouvernenient libéral actuel, les directeurs de cabinet ont réussi à nouer des rapports harmonieux avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Cette différence s'explique en comparant l'origine sociale, la carrière et l'orientation idéologique des directeurs de cabinet péquistes à ceux de leurs successeurs libéraux. Les origines sociales des deux groupes ne constituent pas un facteur d'explication important. En revanche, les activités parapubliques des directeurs de cabinet péquistes et leur tendance à préconiser une politique d'intervention ont joué un rôle-clé dans les relations tendues et conflictuelles qu'ils avaient avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Les directeurs de cabinet libéraux, au contraire, ayant travaillé dans le secteur public et favorisant une politique non interventionniste, ont des relations marquées par la collaboration avec les hauts fonctionnaires. Finalement, l'auteur de l'article explique que les expériences professionnelles et les orientations idéologiques des directeurs de cabinet libéraux ont permis à ces derniers de bien comprendre leurs fonctions. De plus, ces expériences et ces orientations les ont poussés à séparer les aspets politiques des aspects techniques lorsqu'il s'agit de prendre des décisions de façon à maintenir de bonnes relations et à accroître le contrôle qu'exercent leurs ministres sur les aspets politiques de la prise de décisions.     

Social funds and decentralisation: optimal institutional design

Most of the 60+ developing countries that have established social funds (SFs) are decentralising their governments as well. But the question of how to tailor SFs—originally a highly centralised model—for a decentralising context has received relatively little attention in the literature. We first examine evidence on the ability of SFs to adapt to a decentralised context. We then lay out the implications of decentralisation for SF institutional design step‐by‐step through the project cycle. The topic is doubly important because social funds can increase their effectiveness, and the sustainability of their investments, by reorganising internal processes to take advantage of the political and civic institutions that decentralisation creates. Local government has an informational advantage in local needs and characteristics (time and place), whereas SFs have access to better technology and knowledge of sectoral best practice. The key is to create institutional incentives that best combine these relative advantages. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Profiles in the offending process of nonserial sexual murderers

The aim of this study was to investigate specific pathways in the offending processes of nonserial sexual murderers and to examine possible relationships with different precrime, per-crime, and postcrime factors. Included in this study were 36 offenders who have committed at least one sexual murder against a female victim and they were classified using cluster analysis. Participants using the sadistic pathway planned their offenses and used physical restraints during the offenses. Furthermore, they mutilated and humiliated their victims. Finally, they hid the bodies of the victims. Participants using the anger pathway had not premeditated the homicide. Mutilation, humiliation, and physical restraints were less predominant with these participants than with those using the sadistic pathway. Moreover, these offenders were more likely to leave the bodies at the crime scenes after the killings occurred. These two profiles are compared with empirical studies addressing sexual homicide.