The relationship between peace building and development

This article considers the changing nature and needs of United Nations (UN) peace building in the post-Cold War era. The focus of the analysis is on the connection between peace building and development. Competing views exist regarding the links between these two areas. The exclusivist approach considers them two distinct stages of a phased process, undertaken separately and under different conditions. The inclusivist approach, meanwhile, argues that they are mutually reinforcing and capable of operating simultaneously. This paper demonstrates that the inclusivist approach is gaining ground in the literature, and it contends that it is a more appropriate way of addressing the problems of post-conflict societies. In support of this argument, the article looks initially at how development fits within the definitional ambit of peace building. Second, it provides a theoretical framework for the synthesis of peace building and development. Third, it considers the way in which the relationship between peace building and development has developed historically, and examines the three main manifestations of this relationship: disaster relief, macroeconomic reform and post-conflict reintegration.     

The Slovenian Armed Forces and Patriotism

Patriotism needs understanding as a positive feeling that in its narrowest sense determines the relationship towards one’s country as basic living space of family members and, at the same time, represents the foundation for a variety of actions by individuals. A high level of patriotism amongst members of a state’s security system who are consequently providers of national safety is to be expected, and the members of the armed forces have perhaps the highest level of patriotism. Since its beginnings in June 1991, the Slovenian Armed Forces have been going through various reform processes and transformations. These developments have included changes in staffing the armed forces and a simultaneous constant reduction of the defence budget, both of which undoubtedly affect the satisfaction of each service member about their attitude towards the motherland and the system to which the service belongs. This analysis offers the results of a study of the members of the Slovenian Armed Forces that, first, identifies the level of patriotism amongst those members and, second, establishes their attitudes towards patriotism.     

An Electorate Adrift: Refugees and Elections in post-Milošević Serbia

A political scientist and an anthropologist combine methodologies and perspectives from their respective fields to re-examine the relationship between refugee populations and support for radical political options in the Republic of Serbia. The results of their research challenge the stereotype of a homogeneously radicalised refugee electorate and instead suggest that the Serbian Radical Party garners support only in those areas where highly concentrated populations of refugees from Croatia have created an ideal mix of socio-culture characteristics and alienation from the domicile population to raise support for the Radicals from voters in the refugee and domicile populations.     

Localized Islam(s): interpreting agents,competing narratives,and experiences of faith

This special issue investigates contemporary transformations of Islam in the post-Communist Balkans. We put forward the concept of localized Islam as an analytical lens that aptly captures the input of various interpreting agents, competing narratives, and choices of faith. By adopting an agent-based approach that is sensitive to relevant actors’ choices and the contexts where they operate, we explore how various groups negotiate and ultimately localize the grand Islamic tradition, depending on where they are situated along the hierarchy of power. Specifically, we outline three sets of actors and narratives related to revival of Islamic faith: (1) political elites, mainstream intellectuals, and religious hierarchies often unite in safeguarding a nation-centric understanding of religion, (2) foreign networks and missionaries make use of open channels of communication to propagate their specific interpretations and agendas, and (3) lay believers tend to choose among different offers and rally around the living dimension of religious practice. Contributions in this issue bring ample evidence of multiple actors’ strategies, related perspectives, and contingent choices of being a Muslim. Case studies include political debates on mosque construction in Athens; political narratives that underpin the construction of the museum of the father of Ataturk in Western Macedonia; politicians’ and imams’ competing interpretations of the Syrian war in Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania; the emergence of practice communities that perform Muslim identity in Bulgaria; the particular codes of sharia dating in post-war Sarajevo; and veneration of saints among Muslim Roma in different urban areas in the Balkans.     

Organised crime and international aid subversion: evidence from Colombia and Afghanistan

Scholarly attempts to explain aid subversion in post-conflict contexts frame the challenge in terms of corrupt practices and transactions disconnected from local power struggles. Also, they assume a distinction between organised crime and the state. This comparative analysis of aid subversion in Colombia and Afghanistan reveals the limits of such an approach. Focusing on relations that anchor organised crime within local political, social and economic processes, we demonstrate that organised crime is dynamic, driven by multiple motives and endogenous to local power politics. Better understanding of governance arrangements around the organised crime–conflict nexus which enables aid subversion is therefore required.     

Political memory after state death: the abandoned Yugoslav national pavilion at Auschwitz

Abstract

This article explores the relationship between political memory, state ontological security, and populist movements after state death. When a state dies, ideological space opens up for new state agents to narrate a different version of the past, one that delegitimizes the ideological underpinning of the old state order and creates ontological insecurity in the new polity. Populism becomes an especially attractive ideology, as it feeds on a sense of insecurity at home and abroad. The argument is illustrated with the case study of transformed Holocaust remembrance after the death of Yugoslavia. Tracing the history of the Yugoslav memorial exhibition at Auschwitz, the article demonstrates ways in which post-Yugoslav Holocaust remembrance has focused on delegitimizing Yugoslavia’s communist past, especially its antifascism. Once antifascism is removed from state political memory, political space opens up for a revival and ideological normalization of populist—and at its most extreme—fascist ideological movements in the present.     

Amount of postmortem bleeding: an experimental autopsy study

An experimental autopsy study was performed on 64 cases (55 male, 9 female; average age 51.5 +/- 16.2 years) of sudden natural (38 cases) and asphyxic deaths (26 cases). The study objective was the amount of postmortem bleeding from postmortem cutting of the thoracic aorta, related to the time since death. The amount of postmortem bleeding ranged from 100 to 1300 cm, 440.6 +/- 268.1 cm on average. The time since death up to the autopsy time ranged from 4 to 72 hours, 19.4 +/- 12.9 in average. A statistically significant correlation between the amount of postmortem bleeding and postmortem time interval was stated: Pearson correlation test value r = -0.461 (P = 0.000): the shorter the time interval, the larger the amount of bleeding. The formula of linear regression was estimated according to this correlation: amount of postmortem bleeding (cm) = -9.571 x time since death (h) + 626.659. This proves that the amount of postmortem bleeding (eg, from aortic blunt rupture) could be about 620 cm.