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51.
Jas K. Rai B.Sc. Jens Amendt Ph.D. Victoria Bernhardt Ph.D. Thierry Pasquerault Anders Lindström Ph.D. M. Alejandra Perotti Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(6):2174-2183
This report interprets the presence of mite species in three clandestine graves in Europe, evaluating their potential use as trace evidence or markers. Grave 1 (Sweden): Two mite species Rhizoglyphus robini Claparède, 1869 and Parasitus loricatus (Wankel, 1861) were recovered from the surface of a body buried in a shallow grave in an area surrounded by trees, in close vicinity to house gardens. Grave 2 (Germany): Phoretic deutonymphs of Gamasodes spiniger (Trägårdh, 1910) were attached to an adult fly (Diptera: Sphaeroceridae) found within a shallow grave containing two human bodies covered in soil and dung. Grave 3 (France): P. loricatus were recovered from the soil around a body buried in a deep grave (80 cm under). In graves 1 and 3 both corpses were undergoing advanced decay and skeletization, the locations match with the subterranean habit of P. loricatus, highlighting the value of this species as a marker of graves or burials in soil and during late decomposition. R. robini is a soil mite that feeds on decayed roots and bulbs; this mite species confirms the location of the corpse within top soil, agreeing with a more specific type of superficial burial, a shallow grave. In case 2, the presence of both coprophiles, the mite G. spiniger and the carrier fly confirm association of remains with dung or animal feces. The three mite species are reported for the first time in human graves. There are no previous records of R. robini from Sweden. 相似文献
52.
Jens Steffek 《Public administration》2019,97(4):784-796
‘Throughput legitimacy’ is among the most successful conceptual innovations that scholars of public policy and administration have produced in recent years. I argue that this new understanding of legitimacy needs to be seen in the context of an increasing proceduralism in political science and public administration. Throughput legitimacy attracted so much attention because it is the perfect normative companion to the analytical concept of governance. Governance is procedure, and throughput legitimacy tells us what good procedures are. In my critical discussion of this innovation I examine the analytical value of the concept, as well as its normative and practical implications. I argue that, regarding concept formation, throughput legitimacy may enrich existing typologies of legitimacy but at the same time has a severe problem of fuzzy borders. Politically, throughput legitimacy lends itself to apologetic uses when it is applied as a tailor‐made normative standard for technocratic, non‐majoritarian institutions. 相似文献
53.
This article aims to explain why Danish municipalities usually choose to comply with stadium requirements from the Danish Soccer Association (DBU) even though, in most cases, they do not have the supporter base that could fill the renovated or new stadiums to their capacities. Using institutional theory as a theoretical framework, the article shows that coercive forms of isomorphism are part of the homogenization process leading to the municipalities’ compliance. It also suggests that mimetic forms of isomorphism are present in the sense that municipalities believe that if they comply with these requirements they will strengthen the conditions of their local clubs. In turn, they have encouraged other municipalities to follow suit. In sum, the analysis shows that the central form of governance through standardizations together with isomorphic forces have contributed to a uniformity among the municipalities. 相似文献
54.
Frida Nilsson 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(2):114-127
This contribution to the ongoing process of questioning the sex/gender distinction in feminist research sets out from two different points of departure. First, from an anthropological perspective, examples are given to help us “rethink” sex as a universal “given”. Second, it is examined how the distinction, when used in feminist analyses, has confused rather than clarified our understanding of sex/gender. Finally, the implications of the breakdown of the sex/gender distinction for feminist research are discussed in brief. 相似文献
55.
Ulrika Nilsson 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(2):139-143
Feminist science and technology studies — a challenge to science and to feminism? Lynda Birke, Feminism, Animals and Science: The Naming of the Shrew. 167pp. Buckingham, Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1994. Val Plumwood, Feminism and the Mastery of Nature. 239 pp. London/New York: Routledge, 1993. Londa Schiebinger, Nature's Body: Gender in the Making of Modern Science. 289 pp. Boston: Beacon Press 1993. Nelly Oudshoorn, Beyond the Natural Body: An Archeology of Sex Hormones. 195 pp. London/New York: Routledge 1994. New understanding of women battering in marriage Margareta Hydén, Woman Battering as Marital Act: The Construction of a Violent Marriage. 172 pp. Oslo: Scandinavian University Press, 1994. Learning and life Maaret Wager, Constructions of Femininity in Academic Women: Continuity Between Private and Professional Identity. 287 pp. Helsinki: Suomalainen Teidekatemia, 1994. Gunilla Bjerén and Inga Elgquist‐Saltzmann, eds, Gender and Education in a Life Perspective: Lessons from Scandinavia. 170 pp. Aldershot, UK: Avebury, 1994. 相似文献
56.
Is There a Global Society? 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
57.
This is the first study that assesses the economic effects of direct democratic institutions on a cross-country basis. We find that total spending as well as spending on welfare is lower in countries with mandatory referendums, consistent with the previous literature. But we also find that countries with national initiatives appear to spend more and be more corrupt. Finally, budget deficits, government effectiveness, productivity and “happiness” appear unrelated to direct democracy. Institutional detail thus matters a great deal. In general, the effects of direct-democratic institutions become stronger if the frequency of their actual use is taken into account. Effects are usually stronger in countries with weak democracies. 相似文献
58.
This article analyses citizenship and political culture in the Faroe Islands based on a quantitative survey carried out in summer 2004. Located theoretically in the tradition of Scandinavian citizenship investigations and its predecessors in the 'civic culture' tradition of Almond and Verba, four areas of citizenship are analysed: political engagement, democratic participation, political efficacy and democratic identity. The main hypothesis is that the character of citizenship in the Faroe Islands is very similar to that found in the Scandinavian countries in general. While most of the results found confirm this hypothesis, there are a number of special features that demand alternative explanations. Thus, the fact that the Faroese score much below the Scandinavian average concerning 'postmodern' forms of political participation like political consumption or boycott of goods, and that gender differences are bigger than in other Scandinavian countries when it comes to female representation in the Faroese parliament and in government, seems better explained by the relative remoteness of the islands from the Scandinavian political and cultural mainstream (the parochialism hypothesis). Also the fact that the Faroese are much less confident in speaking at public meetings, sending letters to newspapers or complaining to authorities than, for example, Danes in general calls for an alternative explanation. As these features go together with much less knowledge about and confidence in the Danish parliament ('Folketinget') and a lower level of efficacy towards the parliament than among Danes in general, the most likely explanation seem to be found in the way in which Danish supremacy has affected political culture in the Faroe Islands (the colonialism hypothesis). 相似文献
59.
While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage. 相似文献
60.