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A Wider Range of Friends: Multi‐speed Organising during the 2015 Labour Leadership Contest
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Jessica Garland 《The Political quarterly》2016,87(1):23-30
The British Labour party's recent adoption of a partially open primary for the selection of its leader conforms to a trend seen across many European political parties of increasing rights and privileges in internal party decision‐making and expanding opportunities for more loosely affiliated supporters to participate in party activity. This dual trend can be seen as a response to changes in the membership environment, greater individualisation of political participation and growth in social movement politics and online activism. Yet as much as parties are responding to a changed membership environment, they are also driving that change, increasingly blurring the distinction between members and supporters. This article examines the recent impact of this change within the British Labour party and argues that, in line with Susan Scarrow's theory of ‘multi‐speed’ membership, the Labour party's experiment in expanding affiliation options has led directly to a tension in locating the source of authority within the party, creating a challenge for its new leader in accommodating his new supporters within his party's representative traditions. 相似文献
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Many researchers point to gender inequities in party recruitment practices to explain women’s underrepresentation on the ballot. However, there has been little systematic research about how men and women respond to recruitment, so we do not know whether gender-balanced recruitment would actually lead to gender-balanced outcomes. We conduct two studies to address this question. First, in cooperation with a county Republican Party, we identically recruited 5510 male and 5506 female highly active party members to attend a free candidate training seminar. Republican women were half as likely to respond to the invitation as men. Second, we conducted a survey experiment of 3960 voters on the Utah Colleges Exit Poll. Republican men’s level of self-reported political ambition was increased by the prospect of elite recruitment significantly more than Republican women’s, thereby increasing the gender gap vis-à-vis the control. The gender gap in the effect of recruitment on political ambition among Democrats was much smaller. Together, these findings suggest that to fully understand the role recruitment plays in women’s underrepresentation, researchers must understand the ways in which men and women respond to recruitment, not just whether political elites engage in gendered recruitment practices. 相似文献
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Jessica M. Esparza Ph.D. Monnie Michalik M.F.S. Mary Jones Dukes M.S. Patrick Wojtkiewicz Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(Z1):S213-S220
Electrokinetic injection (EI) is the primary method used in forensic laboratories to load amplified PCR product in capillary electrophoresis for short tandem repeat (STR) fragment separation. Because all samples subjected to capillary electrophoresis use internal lane standard (ILS), this study investigated the consequence of varying the volume of ILS and its effects on allele peak heights and number of alleles detected. Results demonstrated that when the volume of ILS is reduced, the average peak height and number of alleles increased, thereby increasing the sensitivity of the detection method. Sizing anomalies were observed; however, they did not adversely affect accuracy and precision. The method developed in this study offers a simple and universal procedure to increase the alleles detected in forensic STR analysis. Reducing the volume of ILS to achieve greater sensitivity is applicable to all STR amplification kits and capillary electrophoresis instruments currently used in forensic DNA analysis. 相似文献
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An Update on the Hazards and Risks of Forensic Anthropology,Part II: Field and Laboratory Considerations
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Lindsey G. Roberts M.A. Gretchen R. Dabbs Ph.D. Jessica R. Spencer M.A. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(Z1):S14-S21
This paper focuses on potential hazards and risks to forensic anthropologists while working in the field and laboratory in North America. Much has changed since Galloway and Snodgrass published their seminal article addressing these issues. The increased number of forensic practitioners combined with new information about potential hazards calls for an updated review of these pathogens and chemicals. Discussion of pathogen hazards (Brucella, Borrelia burgdorferi, Yersinia pestis, Clostridium tetani and West Nile virus) includes important history, exposure routes, environmental survivability, early symptoms, treatments with corresponding morbidity and mortality rates, and decontamination measures. Additionally, data pertaining to the use of formaldehyde in the laboratory environment have resulted in updated safety regulations, and these are highlighted. These data should inform field and laboratory protocols. The hazards of working directly with human remains are discussed in a companion article, “An Update on the Hazards and Risks of Forensic Anthropology, Part I: Human Remains.” 相似文献
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Jessica Leigh Doyle 《British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies》2016,43(3):403-422
Since the early 1990s support for civil society has constituted the linchpin of international efforts in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) to promote democratisation and democratic values. The rationale for this support lies in an understanding of civil society drawn from a liberal-democratic model, which dominates debates about civil society. This paper highlights the inaccuracies of this model when applied to the MENA and, using Turkey as an example, draws attention to the perils of supporting civil society organisations (CSOs) based on its conjectures. A critical analysis of CSOs and their role in Turkish society, drawing on the theoretical framework laid down by Gramsci, highlights two key issues: (1) contrary to the dominant policy view which equates civil society organisations with democracy, CSOs often assist elites in both democratic and undemocratic states to extend and consolidate their political economic power; (2) the idealisation of civil society by Western policy makers results in a diminished awareness of the factors which weaken civil society and erodes its democratic potential. Overall, the findings support the assertion that CSOs in the MENA facilitate predominantly elite interests over those of ordinary citizens and democracy more broadly. 相似文献