首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   480篇
  免费   32篇
各国政治   15篇
工人农民   79篇
世界政治   22篇
外交国际关系   33篇
法律   273篇
中国政治   11篇
政治理论   77篇
综合类   2篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   10篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   18篇
  2019年   26篇
  2018年   29篇
  2017年   39篇
  2016年   38篇
  2015年   23篇
  2014年   40篇
  2013年   75篇
  2012年   25篇
  2011年   18篇
  2010年   22篇
  2009年   15篇
  2008年   21篇
  2007年   13篇
  2006年   14篇
  2005年   6篇
  2004年   8篇
  2003年   9篇
  2002年   6篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   5篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   1篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   1篇
  1994年   3篇
  1993年   1篇
  1992年   3篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   1篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   1篇
  1985年   6篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   1篇
  1982年   1篇
排序方式: 共有512条查询结果,搜索用时 8 毫秒
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
The British Labour party's recent adoption of a partially open primary for the selection of its leader conforms to a trend seen across many European political parties of increasing rights and privileges in internal party decision‐making and expanding opportunities for more loosely affiliated supporters to participate in party activity. This dual trend can be seen as a response to changes in the membership environment, greater individualisation of political participation and growth in social movement politics and online activism. Yet as much as parties are responding to a changed membership environment, they are also driving that change, increasingly blurring the distinction between members and supporters. This article examines the recent impact of this change within the British Labour party and argues that, in line with Susan Scarrow's theory of ‘multi‐speed’ membership, the Labour party's experiment in expanding affiliation options has led directly to a tension in locating the source of authority within the party, creating a challenge for its new leader in accommodating his new supporters within his party's representative traditions.  相似文献   
179.
Many researchers point to gender inequities in party recruitment practices to explain women’s underrepresentation on the ballot. However, there has been little systematic research about how men and women respond to recruitment, so we do not know whether gender-balanced recruitment would actually lead to gender-balanced outcomes. We conduct two studies to address this question. First, in cooperation with a county Republican Party, we identically recruited 5510 male and 5506 female highly active party members to attend a free candidate training seminar. Republican women were half as likely to respond to the invitation as men. Second, we conducted a survey experiment of 3960 voters on the Utah Colleges Exit Poll. Republican men’s level of self-reported political ambition was increased by the prospect of elite recruitment significantly more than Republican women’s, thereby increasing the gender gap vis-à-vis the control. The gender gap in the effect of recruitment on political ambition among Democrats was much smaller. Together, these findings suggest that to fully understand the role recruitment plays in women’s underrepresentation, researchers must understand the ways in which men and women respond to recruitment, not just whether political elites engage in gendered recruitment practices.  相似文献   
180.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号