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41.
Although saliva or oral fluid “lacks the drama of blood, the sincerity of sweat and the emotional appeal of tears”, quoting Mandel in 1990 [I.D. Mandel, The diagnostic uses of saliva, J. Oral Pathol. Med. 19 (1990) 119–125], it is now meeting the demand for inexpensive, non-invasive and easy-to-use diagnostic aids for oral and systemic diseases, drug monitoring and detection of illicit use of drugs of abuse, including alcohol. As the salivary secretion is a reflex response controlled by both parasympathetic and sympathetic secretomotor nerves, it can be influenced by several stimuli. Moreover, patients taking medication which influences either the central nervous system or the peripheral nervous system, or medication which mimic the latter as a side effect, will have an altered salivary composition and salivary volume. Patients suffering from certain systemic diseases may present the same salivary alterations. The circadian rhythm determines both the volume of saliva that will and can be secreted and the salivary electrolyte concentrations. Dietary influences and the patient's age also have an impact on composition and volume of saliva. The latter implies a wide variation in composition both inter- and intra-individually. Sampling must therefore be performed under standardized conditions. The greatest advantage, when compared to blood sample collection, is that saliva is readily accessible and collectible. Consequently, it can be used in clinically difficult situations, such as in children, handicapped and anxious patients, where blood sampling could be a difficult act to perform. 相似文献
42.
43.
Johan den Hertog 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(4):593-613
During the First World War, the Commission for Relief in Belgium (CRB) supplied occupied Belgium with food, provoking discord between military and political leaders on both sides. The CRB's work undermined the Allies' economic blockade of the enemy, attracting military criticism. In Germany, politicians favoured sustaining the food supply to prevent unrest, whilst the Army wanted to exploit Belgium's resources. From 1916 onwards, the CRB became a bone of contention in Germany in the dispute between military and political leaders about unrestricted submarine warfare. It also loomed large in the political and military debate about the attitude to neutral countries: the Allies wanted them to brave the German threat and cooperate with the blockade policy—otherwise, food imports from Allied countries would be forbidden. Tonnage and food for the CRB were incorporated into the negotiations with neutral countries about their imports and the use of home-grown produce. The debates about the CRB thus exemplify the relationship between military events and the war's economic and social significance. This study of the CRB shows that political/diplomatic historiography can bridge the gap between the military and socioeconomic history of the First World War. 相似文献
44.
All cases of fatal oxycodone toxicity presenting to the New South Wales Department of Forensic Medicine over the period January 1, 1999, to December 31, 2008, were retrieved. A total of 70 cases were identified. The mean age was 48.9 years, 58.6% were men, 21.4% were suicides, and in 30% oxycodone had not been prescribed to the decedent. Injecting drug users constituted 27.1% of cases, and oxycodone tablets were injected immediately prior to death by 21.4%. The mean blood oxycodone concentration was 0.40 mg/L (range 0.06-53.00 mg/L). In all cases, psychoactive substances other than oxycodone were also detected, most frequently hypnosedatives (68.6%), other opioids (54.3%), antidepressants (41.4%), and alcohol (32.9%). Preexisting systemic disease was common: cardiovascular (64.2%), pulmonary (49.3%), hepatic (66.7%), and renal (43.9%). 相似文献
45.
Shane Darke Ph.D. Johan Duflou M.Med.Path. F.R.C.P.A. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2008,53(2):447-451
Abstract: To determine the prevalence and circumstances of psychoactive substances amongst homicide victims, 485 consecutive cases autopsied at the NSW Department of Forensic Medicine (1/1/1996–12/31/2005) were analyzed. Substances were detected in 62.6% of cases, and illicit drugs in 32.8%. Alcohol, cannabis, opioids, and psychostimulants were most commonly detected. Alcohol and cannabis were both more prevalent amongst males. Mean ages were significantly younger for decedents who tested positive for a substance and for an illicit drug. Cases where death resulted from a physical altercation were more likely to have had alcohol and cannabis present. Illicit drugs were prominent amongst firearms deaths. The proportion of alcohol positive cases increased from 25.0% on Monday to 49.4% for Saturdays/Sundays. Alcohol was more common in incidents in the 0001–0600 h and 1800–2400 h periods. Psychoactive substances appear to substantially increase the risk of homicide, although there are important differences between drug classes in the circumstances of such incidents. 相似文献
46.
Ole Johan Andersen 《Scandinavian political studies》2004,27(1):1-21
The article focuses on new forms of governance involving partnerships between public and private actors. As several scholars have noticed, organisational hybrids at the intersection of the public and private sectors play an important part in the implementation of collective action. Local economic development in particular has provided a fertile ground for building coalitions across traditional divisions, and encouraging partnerships. This applies to Norway as well as to other liberal Western democracies.
Obviously, the formation of partnerships reflects efforts to design more efficient and flexible instruments for founding new firms and for supporting local entrepreneurs. The article, however, raises the question of whether these arrangements may entail a far more expanded role and domain, opening up new channels for participation and mobilisation. By expanding their agenda and integrating new segments of the local community, public–private partnerships appear to be an innovation in local democracy.
Analytically, the article utilises elements of regime theory. Although the partnerships studied hardly constitute stable coalitions dominating local politics, they nevertheless illustrate how the building of coalitions including both private and public actors is crucial to coping with the problems and challenges of local restructuring and revitalisation. Case studies carried out in Norwegian municipalities provide the main empirical source. The article does, however, build on experience from other European countries. 相似文献
Obviously, the formation of partnerships reflects efforts to design more efficient and flexible instruments for founding new firms and for supporting local entrepreneurs. The article, however, raises the question of whether these arrangements may entail a far more expanded role and domain, opening up new channels for participation and mobilisation. By expanding their agenda and integrating new segments of the local community, public–private partnerships appear to be an innovation in local democracy.
Analytically, the article utilises elements of regime theory. Although the partnerships studied hardly constitute stable coalitions dominating local politics, they nevertheless illustrate how the building of coalitions including both private and public actors is crucial to coping with the problems and challenges of local restructuring and revitalisation. Case studies carried out in Norwegian municipalities provide the main empirical source. The article does, however, build on experience from other European countries. 相似文献
47.
This article addresses the relationship between scientific expertise and policy in European chemicals regulation. We argue that the role of scientific expertise in the European regulation of chemicals varies across decision‐making levels, countries, and stages of the policy process. Our case study of the role of scientific expertise in the regulation of brominated flame retardants illustrates considerably different manifestations of this interconnected process across regulatory arenas, even though this case concerns a single group of substances. On the European Union level, we find a mix of technocracy and politicization; in Sweden, a clear‐cut politicization; and in Poland, noninvolvement. Such differences can be explained by a combination of factors, in particular frame dominance, and mobilization of advocacy coalitions. 相似文献
48.
Stefan Bogaerts Geert Vervaeke Johan Goethals 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2000,8(4):503-515
Some important authors in the field of sexual delinquency stress the importance of inadequate attachment in the aetiology of sexual abusive behaviour. This contribution reports on parental sensitivity, trust, intimacy and adult romantic attachment in a group of sexual offenders (exhibitionists, child molesters and child rapists) and a matched normal control group. Based on the analyses, it appears that parental sensitivity, trust, intimacy and adult romantic attachment significantly differentiate between sexual delinquents and the control group. There is no significant relationship between the different categories of sexual offenders, except for the variable adult romantic attachment. Furthermore, it was found that parental sensitivity, trust and the adult romantic attachment style contribute independently to the explanation of sexual delinquent behaviour. The results tend to be important for the prevention and the treatment of sexual delinquent behaviour. 相似文献
49.
Johan Lagerkvist 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2009,27(2):119-134
This article seeks to shed more light on the consequences of China's aid to and trade with African states. It attempts to answer two questions: First, does China's ‘no-strings-attached’ policy in Africa constitute a challenge to Western aid paradigms? Second, is there as an emerging state-sponsored Chinese model of ‘effective governance’, guided by a south-south vision of mutuality, equality and reciprocity at work? It is argued that China's Africa watchers are cautious, not wanting to project any false hopes into bilateral relationships with African countries. In the light of China's reform experience, these analysts propose that indigenous contexts should determine what developmental model to choose. China is unwilling to force its experiences of ‘a market economy with Chinese characteristics’ upon other nations. The article concludes by arguing that, although not unproblematic, there is reason to be positive about China's higher profile in Africa. 相似文献
50.