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171.
John M. Amandolare 《环境索赔杂志》2013,25(1):50-72
Across the world, governments are grappling with the effects of global warming. Rising temperatures, increases in the number of natural disasters, and elevated sea levels are just some of the risks posed by Earth's weakening ozone. And yet solutions exist. This article discusses the contribution of auto emissions to global warming and proposes ways for manufacturers to adopt a single emissions standard across their fleets all over the world. As discussed, adopting a single standard based on the most stringent one available poses advantages for manufacturers and also promises to reduce the threat of global warming. 相似文献
172.
John Wilkerson David Smith Nicholas Stramp 《American journal of political science》2015,59(4):943-956
This article proposes a new approach to investigating the substance of lawmaking. Only a very small proportion of bills become law in the U.S. Congress. However, the bills that do become law often serve as vehicles for language originating in other bills. We investigate “text reuse” methods as a means for tracing the progress of policy ideas in legislation. We then show how a focus on policy ideas leads to new insights into the lawmaking process. Although our focus is on relating content found within bills, the same methods can be used to study policy substance across many research domains. 相似文献
173.
John Basten 《International Journal of the Legal Profession》2015,22(2):151-165
In Australia, as elsewhere, cultural blindness to difference based on gender can affect the impartiality of judging. It is an important aspect of the unstated assumptions on which judges act and which they need to examine. This is especially so where the assumptions are a reflection of dominant social attitudes and values. Judges are expected to apply community values, so long as they are consistent with equality before the law. Blatant examples of gender bias tend to diminish as diversity increases, both within the judiciary and within the legal profession. Stereotyping assumptions can be explored through judicial education, but Australian experience suggests that programmes will only receive a receptive audience if sensitive to concerns about judicial independence. To that end, discussion may best be located within the boundaries of the broader topic of unconscious partiality. Steps being taken in New South Wales to raise gender sensitivity are noted. 相似文献
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175.
AbstractThis article uses a multimethod research design to compare Statecraft to non-Statecraft assignments and courses along three dimensions: student engagement, political attitudes, and academic honesty. The results indicate that Statecraft increased student engagement and academic honesty. In terms of political attitudes, students generally remained on the left side of the political spectrum, but shifted toward the right and became more hawkish by the end of a semester. Changes in attitude are more strongly associated not with playing Statecraft, but taking a political science class by the coauthor, or some other external variable. Statecraft, however, did reduce support for pacifism. 相似文献
176.
177.
John Wanna 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2017,63(2):284-290
178.
179.
John C. Keene 《Planning & Environmental Law》2013,65(6):22-25
Since its beginnings, zoning has been at its core a tool for achieving exclusionary objectives. Judge Westenhaver, who wrote the lower court decision in Ambler Realty Co. u. Village of Euclid, 297 Fed. 307, 316 (N.D. Ohio 1924) invalidating the village's zoning ordinance, observed that its purpose “is really to regulate the mode of Living of persons who may here-after inhabit [the village]. In the last analysis, the result to be accomplished is to classify the population and segregate them according to their income or station in life.” In reversing his decision, Justice Sutherland classified apartments as “mere parasites … which would deprive children of the privilege of quiet and open spaces for play, enjoyed by those in more favored localities,” In effect, he held that the state's police power could be used to create different levels of health, safety and genera1 welfare for different classes of people. One level was adequate for the poor and another level could be enforced at the behest of the rich who could afford to buy homes in single-family, low-density districts. Even Justice Douglas, a most unlikely bedmate for Justice Sutherland, reflected the same attitude when he wrote recently. 相似文献
180.
John W. Young 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):81-100
Recent decades have seen growing historical interest in “second rank” officials who, whilst they do not play a leading role in government or political movements, can influence the way decisions are shaped and executed. At the same time, the interest of scholars in American policy during the Vietnam War shows no signs of abating. This article investigates the experience of one second rank official during the war, David Bruce, who was Ambassador to London during 1961–1969. Making particular use of Bruce's extensive diaries, it traces his shifting views on the war, looks at the extent to which he shared the outlook of other official,s and asks what influence, if any, he had on events. It argues that, whilst he always remained loyal to his own government and often mirrored the outlook of the Johnson Administration, Bruce had his own perspective on events, was consistently critical of American tactics on the ground, and, in Spring 1967, influenced by Robert McNamara, became an early advocate of retrenchment. 相似文献