全文获取类型
收费全文 | 5856篇 |
免费 | 196篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 463篇 |
工人农民 | 151篇 |
世界政治 | 629篇 |
外交国际关系 | 365篇 |
法律 | 2459篇 |
中国政治 | 34篇 |
政治理论 | 1877篇 |
综合类 | 74篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 26篇 |
2020年 | 76篇 |
2019年 | 100篇 |
2018年 | 133篇 |
2017年 | 152篇 |
2016年 | 165篇 |
2015年 | 113篇 |
2014年 | 151篇 |
2013年 | 946篇 |
2012年 | 151篇 |
2011年 | 174篇 |
2010年 | 145篇 |
2009年 | 142篇 |
2008年 | 191篇 |
2007年 | 255篇 |
2006年 | 190篇 |
2005年 | 179篇 |
2004年 | 195篇 |
2003年 | 190篇 |
2002年 | 183篇 |
2001年 | 105篇 |
2000年 | 114篇 |
1999年 | 91篇 |
1998年 | 124篇 |
1997年 | 99篇 |
1996年 | 107篇 |
1995年 | 81篇 |
1994年 | 73篇 |
1993年 | 87篇 |
1992年 | 73篇 |
1991年 | 91篇 |
1990年 | 77篇 |
1989年 | 70篇 |
1988年 | 76篇 |
1987年 | 86篇 |
1986年 | 85篇 |
1985年 | 51篇 |
1984年 | 70篇 |
1983年 | 70篇 |
1982年 | 66篇 |
1981年 | 50篇 |
1980年 | 47篇 |
1979年 | 43篇 |
1978年 | 44篇 |
1977年 | 46篇 |
1976年 | 26篇 |
1975年 | 26篇 |
1974年 | 27篇 |
1973年 | 34篇 |
1972年 | 23篇 |
排序方式: 共有6052条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
921.
Michael A. Marino M.S. Brandy Voyer B.S. Robert B. Cody Ph.D. A. John Dane Ph.D. Mercurio Veltri Pharm.D. Ling Huang Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(Z1):S82-S91
The usage of herbal incenses containing synthetic cannabinoids has caused an increase in medical incidents and triggered legislations to ban these products throughout the world. Law enforcement agencies are experiencing sample backlogs due to the variety of the products and the addition of new and still‐legal compounds. In our study, proton nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy was employed to promptly screen the synthetic cannabinoids after their rapid, direct detection on the herbs and in the powders by direct analysis in real time mass spectrometry (DART‐MS). A simple sample preparation protocol was employed on 50 mg of herbal sample matrices for quick NMR detection. Ten synthetic cannabinoids were discovered in fifteen herbal incenses. The combined DART‐MS and NMR methods can be used to quickly screen synthetic cannabinoids in powder and herbal samples, serving as a complementary approach to conventional GC‐MS or LC‐MS methods. 相似文献
922.
Actions Speak Louder than Words: A Behavioral Analysis of 183 Individuals Convicted for Terrorist Offenses in the United States from 1995 to 2012 下载免费PDF全文
John Horgan Ph.D. Neil Shortland M.Sc. Suzzette Abbasciano M.Sc. Shaun Walsh M.Sc. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2016,61(5):1228-1237
Involvement in terrorism has traditionally been discussed in relatively simplistic ways with little effort spent on developing a deeper understanding of what involvement actually entails, and how it differs from person to person. In this paper, we present the results of a three‐year project focused on 183 individuals associated with the global jihadist movement who were convicted in the United States, for terrorist offenses, between 1995 and 2012. These data were developed by a large‐scale, open‐source data collection activity that involved a coding dictionary of more than 120 variables. We identify and explore the diversity of behaviors that constitute involvement in terrorism. We also compare lone actors and those who acted as part of a group, finding that lone actors differed from group‐based actors in key demographic attributes and were more likely to be involved in attack execution behaviors. Implications for counterterrorism are then discussed. 相似文献
923.
John J. Davenport 《Criminal justice ethics》2016,35(1):39-67
This article defends the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine (adopted by the United Nations in 2005) against critiques by Fabrice Weissman in this journal, and against similar criticisms of humanitarian intervention and human rights norms made by postmodern thinkers in the Nietzschean tradition, such as Alain Badiou and Anne Orford. I argue against Weissman that R2P can be effective in stopping or preventing mass atrocities, and in particular that opposition to military intervention in Syria during the 2013 debates was a terrible mistake. Moreover, the moral ground for humanitarian aid efforts is the same as the basis for forceful rescue from mass slaughter, ethnic cleansing, and persecution (when other conditions of just war can be met). Weissman's critiques misinterpret just war theory on key points and rely on inflated rhetorical strategies inspired by extreme forms of cultural and moral relativism that are intellectually bankrupt—both in blaming “Western imperialism” for most crimes against humanity committed by tyrants, and in leaving hundreds of thousands without the only protection that could prevent their murder and exile. These extreme positions and the strained rhetorical devices used to defend them do not deserve the wide respect they command in some parts of academia. 相似文献
924.
Turgut Ozkan John L. Worrall Alex R. Piquero 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2016,41(3):402-423
Following recent high-profile deaths of unarmed African American suspects at the hands of police, a number of reforms have been proposed, among them improved minority representation in the ranks of law enforcement organizations. Previous research has explored the effects of minority representation on complaints against the police and other behaviors, but very few studies have examined violence toward the police. We merged several data sources together and tested the hypothesis that minority representation within police departments is inversely associated with assaults against the police. In an extension of prior research, we also conducted separate analyses for African American, Hispanic, and Asian officer representation. The results did not support the expectation that diversity within police organizations results in improved police-citizen interactions, as measured by assaults on police. This study is one of the few to examine how different measures of minority representation in police agencies relates to assaults on the police. 相似文献
925.
926.
927.
John Sanghyun Lee 《Asian Journal of Criminology》2016,11(2):111-133
Jury trials, known as common-law institution centering on the UK and the USA, for the first time in Korean adjudicatory history, have been transplanted into Korean legal soils under cultural and political climate with legal roots of the “Civil Participation in Criminal Trial Act (CPCTA) of 2007” since 2008. This research examines legal and operational issues of jury trials through comparative analysis between the United States and South Korea. Several legal characteristics of 2013 revision bill of CPCTA, proposed by the Committee of Civil Participation in the Judiciary (CCPJ), are to be pointed out: so-called “civil participation” approach, de facto binding power of jury verdict and sentencing, and a stricter standard for a jury verdict or decision (3/4 majority). Statistical results from planting jury trials in both American and Korean legal system proved to be very similar. Meanwhile, a 2013 revision bill has to overcome several practical and legal obstacles, such as low usage of jury trials, the high rate of judicial dismissal of defendants’ petitions, and violation of Article 27 of the Korean Constitution. Under the current legislative scheme, judges in Korean courts need to operate jury trials in such a careful and respectful way that the revision may neglect neither a defendant’s right to jury trial nor jury’s verdict. Legal scholars, experts, and legislators with interests in implementing jury trials in Korea should research on ways to expand the system to other judicial procedures such as juvenile, civil, family, and administrative cases. 相似文献
928.
Christian John Makgala Mokganedi Zara Botlhomilwe 《Journal of contemporary African studies : JCAS》2017,35(1):54-72
ABSTRACTBotswana’s tiny economy is overwhelmingly government-driven and political participation, particularly on the side of the ruling party, is critical for one’s economic survival and prosperity. This has led to enduring intrigue and conflict among the country’s political power elite. Opposition party activists traditionally have embraced leftist policies and claimed to be representing the country’s poor and downtrodden while castigating the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (in power since 1966) of being pro-rich and politically connected business. Ironically, some members of the opposition elite also engage in business ventures with their ruling party counterparts. The scramble for economic opportunities has fuelled debilitating factionalism within both the ruling and opposition parties over the years. In some instances tribalism was mobilised in intra- and inter-party elections for positions of influence even though voters are more interested in service delivery than traditional ethnic issues. Our paper considers the question: ‘Whose interests do Botswana’s politicians represent?’ 相似文献
929.
In the spring of 2014, some anti-Maidan protestors in southeast Ukraine, in alliance with activists from Russia, agitated for the creation of a large separatist entity on Ukrainian territory. These efforts sought to revive a historic region called Novorossiya (“New Russia”) on the northern shores of the Black Sea that was created by Russian imperial colonizers. In public remarks, Vladimir Putin cited Novorossiya as a historic and contemporary home of a two-part interest group, ethnic Russian and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, supposedly under threat in Ukraine. Anti-Maidan agitation in Ukraine gave way to outright secession in April 2014, as armed rebel groups established the Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhans’k People’s Republic on parts of the eponymous Ukrainian oblasts. Rebel leaders aspired to create a renewed Novorossiya that incorporated all of eastern and southern Ukraine from Kharkiv to Odesa oblasts. To examine the level of support for this secessionist imaginary in the targeted oblasts, our large scientific poll in December 2014 revealed the Novorossiya project had minority support, between 20 and 25% of the population. About half of the sample believed that the concept of Novorossiya was a “historical myth” and that its resuscitation and promotion was the result of “Russian political technologies.” Analysis of the responses by socio-demographic categories indicated that for ethnic Russians, residents of the oblasts of Kharkiv and Odesa, for older and poorer residents, and especially for those who retain a nostalgic positive opinion about the Soviet Union, the motivations and aims of the Novorossiya project had significant support. 相似文献
930.
This study examines the gender gap in attitudes toward the death penalty, including attention to global versus specific measures.
The study is based on a survey in Tennessee of attitudes toward crime and criminal justice. Specifically, the study examines
male and female global attitudes, attitudes toward a life without parole option, reasons that supporters and opponents give
for their views, and how specific factors might change the level of support for or opposition to capital punishment. Although
majorities of both genders favor capital punishment, important differences exist. Implications are discussed.
An earlier version of this study was presented at the 1999 Annual Meeting of the Southern Criminal Justice Association in
Chattanooga, Tennessee. Dr. John Paul Wright was instrumental in conducting the Tennessee Crime Survey, the source of the
data used in this study. 相似文献