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John M. Kirk 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):275-290
Cuba's medical internationalism is extraordinary, and in many ways the extent of its outreach programme puts the developed world to shame. It is impossible to fit Cuba's actions into any neat theoretical box—quite simply the revolutionary process follows no established paradigm. This exceptionalism is seen both in its approach to foreign relations and in its medical internationalism policy. Indeed, even during the days when it was economically dependent upon the Soviet Union, Cuban actions showed an exceptional degree of political independence. But because Cuba is so different, it is also difficult for developed nations to understand. This is a tremendous pity, for there is much to learn from Cuba's approach to developing sustainable public health systems in poor, Third World countries. There is also a great deal that, on a moral basis, wealthy nations can also learn about Cuba's policy of internationalist solidarity. 相似文献
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John Amoateng 《New Political Science》2013,35(1-2):101-109
Abstract We argue that progressive activists and scholars should take seriously the question of a progressive third party. Since the mid‐1970s political and economic conditions in the U.S. have shifted in ways favorable to such activism. Using the reality of the grassroots upsurge which supported Jesse Jackson's 1988 campaign as a reference point, we sketch out three major aspects of the emerging potential: the expansion of the left's constituency, the convergence of activist agendas, and the increasing consideration of electoral options within the activist community. For each of these three dimensions we show both how the conditions of the early post‐war years worked against an independent left political movement and how the changes of the past two decades have created new opportunities. We do not argue for the ultimate determinacy of political‐economic variables. Rather by showing several major ways in which the social terrain has changed, we seek to demonstrate why the issue of a viable progressive political movement merits serious discussion among scholars and activists. 相似文献
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John D. Kasarda 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(3):253-302
Abstract Tract‐level data from the 1970, 1980, and 1990 censuses of population are used to identify poverty neighborhoods, extreme poverty neighborhoods, distressed neighborhoods, and severely distressed neighborhoods within the nation's 100 largest central cities. Changes in demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of these neighborhoods are documented, including racial/ethnic composition; poverty population concentration; school dropout rates; and rates of joblessness, single‐parent households, and welfare receipt. Results show that despite some encouraging individual city turnarounds in the Northeast (especially in New York, Newark, and Philadelphia), urban poverty concentration and neighborhood distress worsened nationwide between 1980 and 1990. The greatest deterioration occurred in midwestern cities, particularly in Detroit. Southern cities, whose neighborhoods and cities typically improved during the 1970s, slipped during the 1980s; conditions in western cities also deteriorated. Blacks fared worse than whites and Hispanics during the 1980s in terms of increased concentration of poor in poverty tracts and distressed urban neighborhoods. 相似文献