全文获取类型
收费全文 | 5846篇 |
免费 | 196篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 463篇 |
工人农民 | 151篇 |
世界政治 | 628篇 |
外交国际关系 | 365篇 |
法律 | 2449篇 |
中国政治 | 34篇 |
政治理论 | 1878篇 |
综合类 | 74篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 26篇 |
2020年 | 74篇 |
2019年 | 100篇 |
2018年 | 132篇 |
2017年 | 152篇 |
2016年 | 164篇 |
2015年 | 113篇 |
2014年 | 151篇 |
2013年 | 945篇 |
2012年 | 150篇 |
2011年 | 173篇 |
2010年 | 145篇 |
2009年 | 142篇 |
2008年 | 191篇 |
2007年 | 254篇 |
2006年 | 190篇 |
2005年 | 178篇 |
2004年 | 194篇 |
2003年 | 190篇 |
2002年 | 183篇 |
2001年 | 105篇 |
2000年 | 114篇 |
1999年 | 91篇 |
1998年 | 124篇 |
1997年 | 99篇 |
1996年 | 107篇 |
1995年 | 81篇 |
1994年 | 73篇 |
1993年 | 87篇 |
1992年 | 73篇 |
1991年 | 91篇 |
1990年 | 77篇 |
1989年 | 69篇 |
1988年 | 76篇 |
1987年 | 86篇 |
1986年 | 86篇 |
1985年 | 51篇 |
1984年 | 70篇 |
1983年 | 70篇 |
1982年 | 66篇 |
1981年 | 50篇 |
1980年 | 47篇 |
1979年 | 43篇 |
1978年 | 44篇 |
1977年 | 46篇 |
1976年 | 26篇 |
1975年 | 26篇 |
1974年 | 27篇 |
1973年 | 34篇 |
1972年 | 23篇 |
排序方式: 共有6042条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
231.
Resettling Refugees in Rural and Regional Australia: Learning from Recent Policy and Program Initiatives 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Brooke McDonald-Wilmsen Sandra M. Gifford Kim Webster† John Wiseman‡ Sue Casey§ 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2009,68(1):97-111
Conscious policy and program support for the resettlement of refugees in regional and rural areas is a relatively recent trend in Australia. Resettlement is a complex process that hinges on the establishment of viable communities. This review suggests that its outcomes, especially for refugee communities, are potentially mixed. However, an appropriately resourced, well managed and well planned refugee resettlement program can potentially provide beneficial outcomes for refugees and host communities. This article draws on existing empirical data and contributions made at a VicHealth Roundtable in late 2007 to thematically explore the challenges facing rural and regional resettlement programs. Given that settlement is a dynamic process and the approaches to rural and regional settlement are evolving, this article provides 12 propositions for a more effective and integrated approach to policy and practice. 相似文献
232.
Robert John Donovan Geoffrey Jalleh Lynda Fielder Robyn Ouschan 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2009,9(1):5-19
- The Australian White Ribbon Day 2006 campaign was severely criticized by mental health professionals and those working in the family and domestic violence sector because of depictions of suicide and self‐harm in the television advertisement and accompanying promotional materials. The White Ribbon Day (WRD) National Leadership Group (NLG) rejected all requests by concerned groups to not use these campaign materials. They and their apologists claimed that such violent imagery was necessary to attract men's attention and was being misinterpreted as depicting suicide attempts.
- With preliminary ethics approval we set out to assess reactions to the television advertisement. After 24 interviews, the testing was terminated by the university research ethics officer after two male respondents demonstrated significant distress after viewing the ad. Furthermore, the results by that stage showed that there were perceived messages of suicide in the ad. These results were sent to the WRD NLG with a request to reconsider proceeding with the television advertisement and associated materials. Mental health and domestic violence organizations lodged similar requests. All requests were rejected. The case raises a number of ethical issues for pro‐social organizations when dealing with sensitive issues and using execution techniques that may impact negatively on vulnerable audiences.
233.
John G. Taylor 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3):381-393
What follows is a reply to a number of points raised by Nicos Mouzelis in his review of my book, From Modernisation to Modes of Production: A Critique of the Sociologies of Development and Underdevelopment (Macmillan 1979, £4.95 paper) in The Journal of Peasant Studies, Volume 7, No. 3, April 1980. I focus on Mouzelis’ arguments that my framework for analysing Third World societies is ideological and reductionist. I try to show how the analysis put forward in my book can be used to analyse what for me is the central problem of ‘development ‘ ‐ namely the relations between the restricted and uneven capitalist development characteristic of Third World societies, their class structures, forms of state and development strategy. I also examine the relevance of Mouzelis's alternative ‐ of inter‐relating structuralist and action perspectives ‐ and suggest that the framework put forward in my work can deal more adequately with the issues raised by Mouzelis in his review. I agree with Mouzelis that the most fruitful debates in the Sociology of Development currently centre on the relevance of the Marxist approach, and view my comments here as part of this wide‐ranging, continuing debate, of which my work forms a part. 相似文献
234.
John M. Gleason 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1-4):259-265
Abstract Various haphazard, and often uncoordinated, efforts have been devoted to discouraging and combatting terrorism. Unfortunately, there has been a noticeable lack of quantitative studies of the problem of terrorism. Nevertheless, it can be expected that the problem of international terrorism will eventually be a focus for operations researchers. A factor fundamental to any OR study is an understanding of the underlying generating process for incidents of terrorism. Based on incidents of terrorism from 1968 to 1974, this paper notes that the Poisson is a good model for the occurrence of incidents of international terrorism in the United States. Results of both chi‐square and Kolmogorov‐Smirnov tests are presented. Finally, an unusual result, inconsistent with popular beliefs, is noted. 相似文献
235.
This article explores the hypothesis that people in less democratic nations will use the Internet newsgroups devoted to those countries as a relatively ‘safe’ form of political discussion and even protest. Also, it is expected that nationals of those countries living overseas will use these newsgroups to more openly discuss politics in those nations than they could otherwise do so. Before turning to a content analysis of the messages posted in non‐United States Usenet groups, the number of these groups and the levels of political discussion in them are quantified. The article quantifies the international usage of the Usenet as a first attempt to find some patterns in this usage that may be politically motivated. After all, many pundits imagine that the Internet will become the vaunted ‘global village’ and source of ‘grass‐roots democracy’, and not merely in the United States. An examination of the content of about 2500 messages in 41 Usenet groups then follows, with a view to establishing the following: how many messages are explicitly political; how many are in opposition to the current government; how many are pro‐government; whether they primarily serve as alternative sources of news; whether they are attempts to recruit people in the subject country and around the world into some sort of political action; and whether richer nations are more likely to have higher levels of discussion in their newsgroups than poorer ones. The findings conclude that newsgroups devoted to countries with lower levels of democratization have a much higher percentage of anti‐government messages than the newsgroups about nations that are more democratic. 相似文献
236.
237.
238.
John Minns 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(6):1025-1043
This article argues that the South Korean economic 'miracle' was based on the ability of the state to implement a strongly developmental policy. The state was able to do so because, for a time, it was highly insulated from demands from social classes which might have diverted it from the objective of industrialisation. This insulation, or 'relative state autonomy', derived from an historical trajectory which left the state in an unusually dominant position in relation to these classes. Domestic dominance was one factor enabling the state to insert the South Korean economy into world markets in a more advantageous position than would otherwise have been possible. However, its very success in industrialising the country strengthened various class forces, whose demands and intrusion into politics undermined the autonomy of the state. With industrialisation, the state's freedom of manoeuvre was lessened. International influence only reinforced those class pressures inside South Korea. The overall effect was to force a retreat of the state and an end to a developmental policy. 相似文献
239.
John Bell 《The Modern law review》2011,74(1):150-153
240.