全文获取类型
收费全文 | 489篇 |
免费 | 33篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 31篇 |
工人农民 | 47篇 |
世界政治 | 29篇 |
外交国际关系 | 68篇 |
法律 | 205篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 132篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 10篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 19篇 |
2019年 | 21篇 |
2018年 | 32篇 |
2017年 | 36篇 |
2016年 | 35篇 |
2015年 | 25篇 |
2014年 | 22篇 |
2013年 | 91篇 |
2012年 | 20篇 |
2011年 | 27篇 |
2010年 | 11篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 13篇 |
2007年 | 16篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 7篇 |
2004年 | 15篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有522条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
511.
Sara Ryan 《The Political quarterly》2019,90(2):224-228
There is little research focussing on how bereaved families experience NHS inquiries and investigations. Despite this gap, there is a consistent assumption that these processes provide families with catharsis. Drawing on my personal experiences of NHS investigations over a five‐year period after the death of our son, Connor Sparrowhawk, I suggest the assumption of catharsis is misplaced and works to erase the considerable emotional ‘accountability’ labour that families undertake during these processes. I further question whether inquiries or investigations are an effective way of holding stakeholders to account. I conclude with two points: first, qualitative research is needed to better understand bereaved family experiences of inquiries and investigations and second, the ‘lessons learned’ objective underpinning inquiries should be replaced with ‘leading to demonstrable change’, which is what families typically want. 相似文献
512.
John Barry Ryan 《American journal of political science》2011,55(4):753-766
This article reports on a small group experiment studying how the preferences of an individual's social network affect her ability to vote for the candidate who will provide her with the greater benefit on both valence issues and position issues. The research diverges from traditional formal models and experimental studies of social communication by expanding the communication network beyond the dyad. The results suggest that social communication is a useful information shortcut for uninformed independents, but not uninformed partisans. Informed individuals incorporate biased social messages into their candidate evaluations, which results in higher levels of incorrect voting in certain types of networks. 相似文献
513.
514.
515.
516.
517.
This article demonstrates an approach to modelling the inflation rate in developing countries through the use of the annualised monthly inflation rate in an attempt to distinguish between once‐and‐for‐all increases in the price level and a generally rising price level. Our empirical results show that this approach is useful in allowing both monetary and institutional variables to play a role in determining the inflation rate. In addition, we estimate the inflation rate for different income groups and show the changing determinants of the inflation rate across these groups. 相似文献
518.
Richard W. Ryan 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(1-2):127-153
This article examines the significance of emerging international interdependency and how it may influence the teaching of Public Affairs/Administration (PA) in the next decade. Postwar demand for international courses is described along with a different set of contemporary factors that is internationalizing traditionally domestic sectors of society. The growing importance of policy issues such as international trade and economic competition, immigration, and terrorism is examined along with the possible effect on education. The potential roles of public administrators are also outlined and recommendations are made for ways in which the PA community can assess its response to an internationalized policy environment. 相似文献
519.
520.
Phil Ryan 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2016,22(3):342-350
Emma Ambrose and Cas Mudde argued in this journal that the absence of far-right parties in Canada can be attributed, among other factors, to “strong state repression of dissent” on multiculturalism policy. This article provides numerous examples of such dissent, to show that the state repression invoked by Ambrose and Mudde does not exist. The article also argues that certain “supply-side” explanations for the absence of a strong far-right apply to the Canadian case. It notes, in particular, how Steven Harper's Conservative government occupied much of the political space that might otherwise have been available for far-right challengers. 相似文献