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241.
Effect of photoarray exposure duration on eyewitness identification accuracy and processing strategy
In this study all offenders admitted to Icelandic prisons over a one year period were approached and 229 (95%) agreed to co-operate with the study. Twenty-seven (12%) of the 229 subjects claimed to have in the past made a false confession during police interviewing. Women prisoners more commonly claimed to have made a false confession than males. The main motives given for having made the false confession were to protect somebody else (48%) and police pressure or escape from custody (52%). The great majority (78%) of the subjects had never retracted the confession, claiming that they had perceived no point in dong so. Twenty-one (78%) of the subjects were convicted of the offenses to which they had, allegedly, made a false confession. The findings in the present study raise the possibility that within an inquisitorial system false confessions may go relatively undetected by the judiciary and be rarely retracted or disputed. 相似文献
242.
Gisli H. Gudjonsson Emil Einarsson Ólafur Örn Bragason Jon Fridrik Sigurdsson 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2013,19(4):383-393
Abstract The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between self-reported offending and personality. A total of 1603 students in further education in Iceland completed the Mak Self-Reported Delinquency Scale as well as a number of psychological tests, namely the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ and IVE), the Gough Socialisation Scale, the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, and the Gudjonsson Compliance Scale. Multiple regression analyses showed that five out of the 10 individual personality scales contributed 27 and 30 per cent to self-reported offending for males and females, respectively. Overall, the Gough Socialisation Scale and EPQ psychoticism contributed most to the variance in self-reported offending, but impulsivity, extraversion and a low lie score also added significantly to the variance after interactions among the personality measures had been taken into account. Some gender differences emerged with impulsivity being a better predictor of offending among the males than females. Overall, the findings give strong support for the hypothesis that personality, particularly those relating to antisocial personality traits, is significantly related to self-reported offending in both males and females. 相似文献
243.
The aim of the study was to assess the relationship of interrogative suggestibility and compliance with other-deception and self-deception. The Gudjonsson Suggestibility Scale (GSS 1), the Gudjonsson Compliance Scale (GCS), the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ), and the Other and Self-Deception questionnaires (ODQ and SDQ) were administered to 237 Icelandic prison inmates. Other and Self-Deception scores did not correlate significantly with suggestibility and compliance, whereas significant correlations were found between the deception scores and EPQ Psychoticism, Neuroticism and Lie scores. The EPQ Lie score explained about one-third of the variance in the ODQ score, suggesting a considerable overlap between the two impression management measures. The most important practical implication of the findings is that self-favouring bias does not appear to significantly influence suggestibility and compliance scores. 相似文献
244.
This article investigates the political impact of the introduction of state subsidies to political parties. The arguments for and against subsidising political parties are outlined. Different models of party subsidies, and their regulatory frameworks, are discussed. We find little evidence of a cross‐national impact of the introduction of party subsidies. The subsidies cannot explain the decline in party membership. Nor is there evidence to suggest that the subsidies were introduced as a response to membership decline. There is no support for the allegation that party subsidies lead to the petrification of party systems. The subsidies have not meant that other income sources have lost their significance for political parties. 相似文献
245.
Jon X. Eguia 《American journal of political science》2011,55(1):16-26
In this article, I show how members of an assembly form voting blocs strategically to coordinate their votes and affect the policy outcome chosen by the assembly. In a repeated voting game, permanent voting blocs form in equilibrium. These permanent voting blocs act as endogenous political parties that exercise party discipline. In a stylized assembly I prove that the equilibrium parties must be two small polarized voting blocs, one at each side of the ideological divide. 相似文献
246.
Cherie Armour Ateka A. Contractor Patrick A. Palmieri Jon. D. Elhai 《Psychological injury and law》2014,7(2):131-142
Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) criteria in DSM-5 included a dissociative diagnostic subtype characterized by a depersonalization item and a derealization item. Researchers have queried whether this was too restrictive, as alternative dissociative symptomatology may also be characteristic of the subtype. The current study utilized data from 318 Northern Irish students, of which 165 were trauma exposed. Participants were assessed for PTSD symptomatology based on DSM-5 criteria via a modified version of the PTSD Symptom Scale-Self-Report (PSS-5) and dissociative experiences via the Dissociative Experiences Scale (DES). Confirmatory factor analysis of PTSD and DES models revealed an optimal four-factor DSM-5 PTSD model including reexperiencing, avoidance, negative alterations in mood and cognitions, and alterations in hyperarousal and reactivity factors, and an optimal three-factor DES model including absorption, amnesia, and depersonalization/derealization factors. When comparing the correlations between depersonalization/derealization and the four PTSD factors, significant Wald tests of parameter constraints revealed that depersonalization/derealization is more related to alterations in arousal and reactivity (r?=?.432) compared to avoidance (r?=?.289), χ 2 (1, N?=?165)?=?8.352, p?=?.004. We discuss whether the mechanism for comorbid PTSD and dissociation may be related to PTSD’s arousal factor. 相似文献
247.
Forensic mental health providers (FMHPs) typically do not release records to the examinee. The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) federal regulations might change this position, given that they have created a basic right of access to health care records. This legislation has led to a disagreement regarding whether HIPAA regulates forensic evaluations. The primary argument (and the majority of scholarly citations) has been that such evaluations do not constitute “health care.” Specifically, in this position, the nature and purpose of forensic evaluations are not considered related to treatment (amelioration of psychopathology) of the patient. In addition, it asserts that HIPAA applies solely to treatment services; thus, forensic evaluations are inapplicable to HIPAA. We describe the evidence for and against this argument, the strengths and limitations of the evidence, and recent court decisions related to it. The weakest part of the “HIPAA does not regulate forensics” argument is that HIPAA has no exclusion criteria based on type of services. It only creates an inclusion criteria for providers; once “covered,” all services provided by that provider are thence forward “covered.” Authoritative evidence for patient access can be found in the HIPAA regulations themselves, the US Department of Health and Human Services’ commentaries, additional statements and disciplinary cases, the research literature, other agency opinion, and legal opinion. It appears that the evidence strongly suggests that, for those forensic mental health practitioners who are covered entities, HIPAA does apply to forensic evaluations. The implication is that FMHPs potentially face various federal, state, and civil sanctions for refusing to permit patient access to records. 相似文献
248.
249.
Jon R. Taylor 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(3):323-333
The development of Chinese political science was not a relatively neat and tidy event. It was profoundly impacted by two revolutions, war, civil war, and political turmoil throughout most of the 20th Century. In the first three decades of New China, political science suffered from both ideological rigidity and political suspicion. With the heralding of Reform and Opening-up, Chinese political science has experienced a renaissance, influenced as much by the concept of indigenization (ben tu hua) as Western ideas. Much like its American counterpart, Chinese political science is now experiencing a healthy debate about the primacy of the discipline’s contending intellectual influences and traditions, as well as its core functions and future direction. The on-going debate suggests that Chinese political science is developing, in the words of Deng Zhenglai, “its own plurality of methodological approaches to the study of politics”. This article examines the rise and growth of contemporary Chinese political science, with particular emphasis devoted to the influence that a burgeoning political science with “Chinese Characteristics” will have on the discipline both within and outside China. 相似文献
250.