首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   78980篇
  免费   3063篇
  国内免费   5篇
各国政治   4728篇
工人农民   3216篇
世界政治   6655篇
外交国际关系   4050篇
法律   40114篇
中国共产党   17篇
中国政治   795篇
政治理论   21508篇
综合类   965篇
  2021年   456篇
  2020年   1247篇
  2019年   1614篇
  2018年   1905篇
  2017年   2209篇
  2016年   2401篇
  2015年   1921篇
  2014年   2213篇
  2013年   10955篇
  2012年   1962篇
  2011年   2116篇
  2010年   2001篇
  2009年   2211篇
  2008年   2126篇
  2007年   2159篇
  2006年   2263篇
  2005年   2137篇
  2004年   1999篇
  2003年   1821篇
  2002年   1838篇
  2001年   2181篇
  2000年   1886篇
  1999年   1621篇
  1998年   1242篇
  1997年   1041篇
  1996年   1037篇
  1995年   1006篇
  1994年   1010篇
  1993年   1018篇
  1992年   1195篇
  1991年   1249篇
  1990年   1188篇
  1989年   1182篇
  1988年   1201篇
  1987年   1164篇
  1986年   1218篇
  1985年   1239篇
  1984年   1088篇
  1983年   1108篇
  1982年   947篇
  1981年   901篇
  1980年   707篇
  1979年   810篇
  1978年   647篇
  1977年   572篇
  1976年   519篇
  1975年   488篇
  1974年   520篇
  1973年   493篇
  1972年   431篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
171.
172.
Abstract: This paper is concerned with an analysis of legislation, public administration and government expenditure decisions on policing activities. These three dimensions of government can be used as mechanisms of social control. Whether they are or not is an empirical question that has to be determined in each case. It is shown that there are no strict relationships between the three dimensions of government activity: separate decision-making is undertaken for each of the three dimensions. It is indicated that there are eight possible combinations of the three dimensions, assuming that the three dimensions of government activity are bivariate and discrete. The empirical analysis relates to the state of Queensland and it is concluded that Queensland can be described as a case consisting of authoritarian legislation, public administration contrary to the rule of law, and low policing expenditures.  相似文献   
173.
174.
This article examines the impact of nongovernmental organization-sponsored contact and communication on fostering peaceful solutions to ethnic conflict via case studies of the activities of the Project on Ethnic Relations (PER) in Romania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, and Serbia. It explores five operational principles that guide PER activity: creating credible, neutral forums for dialogue; maintaining momentum; working within political realities; encouraging indigenous solutions from within existing processes; and acting with the backing of powerful states. These principles explain PER's success as a "weak mediator" of ethnic conflicts. According to this analysis, PER also exhibits organizational characteristics that contribute to success, including nonpartisanship, area expertise and extensive networks of local contacts, and an ability to secure the trust of local actors.
A significant indicator of the success of PER activities is the establishment by conflicting parties of institutionalized mechanisms for addressing their differences. Contrary to the view that electoral competition contributes to conflict, this study finds that the possibility of achieving an electoral advantage by participating cooperatively in conflict resolution activities creates incentives for local actors to recognize opportunities offered by PER activities and leads local actors to heed PER's advice. Finally, the article offers a cautionary observation. While PER's perceived influence with major international actors may contribute to its local successes, once a state actor with the power to impose a solution has committed itself to ending a conflict, its preferences outweigh any local interests in determining the outcome and renders the efforts of a "weak mediator" such as PER irrelevant.  相似文献   
175.
176.
177.
本文分析了英国近来的一些案例,介绍了英国在采取非诉方法解决争议方面的最新发展,强调了法院在一些案件中的态度.  相似文献   
178.
179.
180.
Efforts to promote and impose Mandarin Chinese as the language of instruction in ethnic minority schools in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, aimed at further integrating the state and raising regional educational and economic quality, have had mixed success. The 2004 plan to consolidate Han Chinese and minority elementary and middle schools and to make Mandarin the universal language of instruction in those schools is fostering an immersive second-language environment without prior preparation for students, bringing native speakers of Mandarin into unfair competition with non-native speakers. The increased focus on Mandarin has already had grave consequences for ethnic relations, especially in urban Uyghur schools, where the project is focused, while the mandate for change in educational curriculum and methodology has also been poorly planned and remains under-resourced, negatively impacting educational quality. The Chinese government has available to it other language policy solutions that are both more workable and friendlier to minority sensibilities.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号