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921.
The paper builds upon an original pre- and post-election survey that we conducted before and after the 2015 Canadian election. Directly after Election Day, we asked Canadians for which party they voted, and whether they regret their choice. We find that 39% of them are not perfectly happy with their decision, and 4% even say that they made a bad decision. We show that the propensity to regret can be explained by a mixed-utility theory, whereby voters attempt to maximize a mixture of instrumental and expressive utilities. Our study contributes to the literatures on voting behaviour and political economy, which usually considers that voters are either instrumental or expressive, but not both at the same time. 相似文献
922.
Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos 《Canadian journal of African studies》2020,54(2):229-246
RÉSUMÉ Cet article analyse quelques-unes des raisons pour lesquelles Boko Haram s’est avéré incapable de gouverner les territoires qu’il a pu contrôler avant son allégeance à l’État islamique et son retrait dans les marécages du lac Tchad en 2015. L’échec politique du groupe ne tient pas seulement à sa fragmentation, sa criminalisation, son manque de cadres qualifiés et la pauvreté d’une insurrection “low cost.” En effet, le caractère prédateur de la secte est tout à la fois une cause et un symptôme de sa désorganisation et de son incapacité à gouverner. Se réclamant de la légitimité du djihad d’Ousmane dan Fodio à Sokoto, le mouvement n’a jamais cherché à ressusciter l’Empire du Borno pour lever l’impôt et rendre une justice très rudimentaire. Ainsi, le cas de Boko Haram témoigne à sa manière de l’échec de l’islam politique et des tentatives d’extension du domaine d’application de la charia au Nigeria depuis la fin de la dictature militaire en 1999. 相似文献
923.
Melchisedek Chétima 《Canadian journal of African studies》2020,54(2):215-227
RÉSUMÉ Ce numéro spécial s’intéresse à l’insurrection de Boko Haram dans les pays du bassin tchadien en se concentrant essentiellement sur les dynamiques locales, d’une part, en regardant au-delà de la perspective sensationnaliste et à court terme des médias, et d’autre part, en explorant des thèmes qui transcendent le temps et les frontières disciplinaires. Notre postulat de base est que la lecture des actions de Boko Haram à travers le prisme des termes aujourd’hui à la mode tels que “terroristes” ou “djihadistes,” ne peut offrir qu’une perspective limitée du phénomène. Plutôt qu’un modèle superficiel dérivé de la pensée de la “guerre contre le terrorisme,” les approches développées par les auteurs de ce dossier thématique se concentrent non seulement sur les facteurs religieux, mais aussi sur la violence de l’État et les facteurs sociaux, politiques et économiques qui soutiennent l’adhésion à l’insurrection, ce qui présente un parallèle avec les “bandits sociaux.” 相似文献
924.
925.
Joan Albert Riera Adrover María Elena Cuartero Castañer José Francisco Campos Vidal 《Negotiation Journal》2020,36(3):353-364
Many studies have empirically demonstrated the importance of trust-building between mediators and parties to a dispute. We wrote this article in response to a call by Stephen Goldberg and Margaret Shaw for studies conducted in North America to be triangulated in other countries where mediation is taking off as an alternative tool in the resolution of disputes. Our objective was to test theories on the factors that increase trust-building in mediation. With this in mind, the study conducted by Jean Poitras in Montreal (Canada) was triangulated in the Balearic Islands (Spain) and an analysis was made of the similarities and differences between both studies using different methods. 相似文献
926.
AbstractOfficial figures claim that almost 3000 people were killed, and many more injured or displaced, in four days of rioting aimed at the Sikh population of Delhi in late October and early November 1984 following the assassination of Indira Gandhi. This article analyses the efforts made to address the human rights violations that occurred. It argues that as a divided democracy, India has struggled to do justice to the victims, despite multiple commissions of inquiry, compensation schemes and a prime ministerial apology. It argues that this has occurred not simply because of challenges commonly faced by democracies dealing with similar incidents, but also because of the particular problems faced in a context in which we see continuity of rule by a political elite allegedly implicated in the abuse and in which there is acute concern for the survival of a fragile divided polity. 相似文献
927.
Alexandre Ariel da Fonseca de Souza B.Sc. Cássio Thyone Almeida de Rosa B.Sc. Luciano Chaves Arantes M.Sc. José Roberto Pujol-Luz Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(3):1012-1015
Ants are one of the first insects to find an exposed cadaver and can be present during all stages of decomposition. Although these organisms are not commonly used in postmortem interval estimates, they are to be taken into account on criminal investigations involving human corpses, since they can leave bite marks that can be mistaken for antemortem or perimortem injuries, which could be misleading when ascertaining the occurrence of abuse or physical altercation during a crime. A few studies report the action of ants on human cadavers and even though leaf-cutting ants of the genus Atta are frequently encountered in succession studies that use animal carcasses, there are no records of these fungus-growing species on human corpses. Atta is a genus restricted to the New World, ranging from northern Argentina to southern United States and acts as one of the most conspicuous neotropical herbivores. In this study, we report three cases of violent death that illustrate the impact of ants, especially those of the genus Atta, in a forensic setting. We compare the patterns displayed by postmortem bite injuries caused by leaf-cutter ants and other common species with less robust mandibles. We also present the capability of Atta ants to create artifacts by cutting victim’s clothes in a crime scene, contributing to the knowledge of ant-mediated confounding factors in crime scene investigation. 相似文献
928.
Colby E. Ott M.S. Kourtney A. Dalzell B.S. Pedro José Calderón-Arce M.S. Ana Lorena Alvarado-Gámez Ph.D. Tatiana Trejos Ph.D. Luis E. Arroyo Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(6):1935-1944
The increasing demand for rapid methods to identify both inorganic and organic gunshot residues (IGSR and OGSR) makes electrochemical methods, an attractive screening tool to modernize current practice. Our research group has previously demonstrated that electrochemical screening of GSR samples delivers a simple, inexpensive, and sensitive analytical solution that is capable of detecting IGSR and OGSR in less than 10 min per sample. In this study, we expand our previous work by increasing the number of GSR markers and applying machine learning classifiers to the interpretation of a larger population data set. Utilizing bare screen-printed carbon electrodes, the detection and resolution of seven markers (IGSR; lead, antimony, and copper, and OGSR; nitroglycerin, 2,4-dinitrotoluene, diphenylamine, and ethyl centralite) was achieved with limits of detection (LODs) below 1 µg/mL. A large population data set was obtained from 395 authentic shooter samples and 350 background samples. Various statistical methods and machine learning algorithms, including critical thresholds (CT), naïve Bayes (NB), logistic regression (LR), and neural networks (NN), were utilized to calculate the performance and error rates. Neural networks proved to be the best predictor when assessing the dichotomous question of detection of GSR on the hands of shooter versus nonshooter groups. Accuracies for the studied population were 81.8 % (CT), 88.1% (NB), 94.7% (LR), and 95.4% (NN), respectively. The ability to detect both IGSR and OGSR simultaneously provides a selective testing platform for gunshot residues that can provide a powerful field-testing technique and assist with decisions in case management. 相似文献
929.
ABSTRACTThis article examines the legitimization and institutionalization of ‘parental alienation’ discourse in the Province of Quebec, Canada. It draws upon an analysis of 31 documents (legislation, research reports and articles, training documents, professional documents and media articles) and interviews with 13 key informants, who were selected based on their knowledge of ‘parental alienation’ in research, policies or practices. The research findings reveal that the legitimization and institutionalization of ‘parental alienation’ discourse is a more recent process than in other provinces and countries, but that it has now permeated child custody as well as child protection proceedings. Academic researchers and media have been instrumental in this legitimization and institutionalization process, while the role played by changes to child protection policies is more ambiguous. The findings reveal researchers’ and experts’ tendency to distance themselves from Gardner’s controversial work on ‘parental alienation syndrome’ and to address the critiques by proposing new approaches and new concepts. However, the terms ‘parental alienation syndrome’, ‘parental alienation’ and ‘alienating behaviours’ are often used interchangeably, and assessment practices tend to rely on similar indicators. 相似文献
930.
Are private donors willing to replace cuts in government funding? The authors conducted a survey experiment (n = 2,458) to examine how information about government funding affected decisions to donate money to a large charitable organization in the Netherlands. Providing information about actual budget cuts increased the number of donors. Most new donors were recruited among respondents who had processed the information correctly, underlining the importance of effective communication. The magnitude of the information effect was stronger for citizens with lower levels of empathic concern, who are less likely to donate but can be converted into donors. The authors conclude that policy information shapes not only attitudes but also civic engagement outside the political sphere. 相似文献