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271.
Abstract

Several recent studies have found that homeownership has positive effects on children's development. This article extends these studies by testing whether these effects depend on neighborhood conditions. This extension is important because many low‐income families that become homeowners under current policies promoting homeownership for the poor are likely to purchase homes in troubled or distressed neighborhoods.

Homeownership in almost any neighborhood is found to benefit children, while neighborhood effects are weak. This suggests that the children of most low‐income renters would be better served by programs that help their families become homeowners in their current neighborhoods instead of helping them move to better neighborhoods while remaining renters. However, the positive effects of homeownership on children are weakened in distressed neighborhoods, especially those that are residentially unstable and poor. Thus, helping low‐income families purchase homes in good neighborhoods is likely to have the best effects on children.  相似文献   
272.
Over the past several decades, there has been a decline in social capital in American communities. New urbanism has been proposed as a tool to reverse some of this decline. This study seeks to understand the potential benefits of new urbanism in terms of social capital. Differences in social capital between a new urbanist subdivision (NUS) and a standard suburban subdivision (SSS) are compared. The findings of this study suggest that residents of NUSs have more social capital than residents of SSSs. However, many of the differences between the two communities disappeared when a social bias control was added to the model.  相似文献   
273.
The purpose of this research is to discuss a targeted approach to health care provisions for the newly retired. This approach focuses on the application of specific services provided by the development of Web 2.0 technologies and an identification system that determines the needs of a community of newly retired. The paper examines the significance of this community and also discusses the steps required for the research. The first phase of the research which is covered here involves reviewing pervious literature to determine what information has been gathered about the subject. Once this has been accomplished that the researcher will investigate the defined community to determine what resources are in place and what additional resources need to be in put in place in order to help the community to continue to thrive. The final steps include implementing what services were found to be necessary for the continued growth of the community and a follow-up concerning the success of these services.  相似文献   
274.
Using historical analysis of relations between city-states and other international actors in Central Asia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, this article evaluates new structural theories of international politics, chiefly those of David Lake and Jack Donnelly. Pre-colonial Central Asia offers a usefully tough case for structural theories, since it so little resembles the modern international order that these theories were developed to describe. Empirically, the article proceeds by evaluating the region's city-states' relations with three groups of actors: one another; neighbouring empires; and the many non-state actors present at the time. It concludes with an assessment of the merits of the new structuralisms, and a discussion of their value for constructivist international-relations theories of international change.  相似文献   
275.
The effects of political news on the mass audience are usually difficult to establish empirically. Recent models of mass communication effects have held that political knowledge is a better indicator of media reception than traditional measures of exposure. This claim is tested in two studies of attitudes toward Democratic and Republican leaders during the 1996 U.S. presidential primary campaigns. The impact of messages from three types of political talk radio (PTR) is examined: Rush Limbaugh, other conservative hosts, and liberal/moderate hosts. Political knowledge and exposure to talk radio are found to be equally good predictors of attitudes toward political leaders when studied separately. However, when tested against one another, exposure is the more effective measure. Agreement between Rush Limbaugh's messages and his audience's attitudes toward political figures is consistent and strong. Biased processing of PTR content by audience members with partisan predispositions contrary to those of the host is also examined.  相似文献   
276.
A new measure of opinion quality that we name "argument repertoire" (AR) is introduced and evaluated. AR refers to the relevant reasons that one has for one's own opinions and the relevant reasons that others with opposite opinions might have. The measure is shown to be reliable and to have construct validity. Those with elevated AR also were more likely to attend on-line deliberative groups during the presidential election and to contribute to those conversations. Those who participated in online deliberations tended to have higher AR scores on particular issues that were discussed. The role of AR in deliberative political groups is explored.  相似文献   
277.
Research following the "selective exposure" model has focused on avoidance of political messages with which a person might disagree. But positive attention to such "counter-attitudinal" messages is worthy of study, in part because normative theories of democracy value exposure to information that might disturb citizens' political predispositions. Surveys of youth (N = 417) and parents (N = 430) examine attention to newspaper, television, and Web messages about candidates. While there is somewhat more attention to messages about and for a person's favored political candidate or party, forms of political involvement (knowledge, curiosity, and discussion) that predict this "attitude-consistent" attention also predict counter-attitudinal attention at least as strongly. Parents' education and students' exposure to civics lessons also predict both kinds of attention. These results suggest that attention to counterattitudinal political messages is worthy of further study as an important goal of political socialization and a criterion of citizen performance in democracy.  相似文献   
278.
The use of a direct analysis in real time (DART) mass spectrometer (MS) instrument was optimized for 22 compounds of organic explosive residues to provide a guide for DART‐MS users in rapid screening of explosive compounds. Samples were introduced as neat solutions and sequential dilutions to determine optimal instrument conditions and lowest concentration detectable. Most compounds were optimized to 250°C in the negative ion mode, and several compounds benefited from the addition of a chloride dopant from methylene chloride (amino‐dinitrotoluenes, RDX, EGDN, and PETN). Few compounds were more sensitive in the positive ion mode (TEGDN, DEGDN, HNS, and DMNB). Mixtures of compounds were detected using clean room wipes, directly from their surfaces and from subsequent extractions. Compounds from the mixtures were also successfully detected in soil and from swipes of spiked surfaces. The instrument showed merit in detection of pg/μL solutions for most of the compounds and among the substrates tested.  相似文献   
279.
280.
The subject of fear of crime has generated a substantial body of empirical study within Western industrialized society. However, the current focus on comparative criminology inspires efforts to study fear of crime cross culturally. This study attempts to assess some of the widely accepted predictors and conclusions of fear of crime found in developed nations on the urbanized capital city of Botswana. More specifically, in this article, the author explores the relationships between gender, victimization, incivility, and fear of crime in Gaborone, Botswana. Findings suggest that gender, victimization, and, in part, the environment are all useful in explaining fear of crime in Gaborne. However, it appears that gender, more than victimization and incivility, is itself a genuinely powerful determinant of fear of crime.  相似文献   
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