从易趣案看美国ISP代理侵权责任之演进

易趣(eBay)是一个网上论坛服务的提供者,用户可以将商品放置论坛上出卖,也可以在论坛上通过竞价或固定价格购买商品或服务。罗伯特·亨(Robert Hendrickson)是纪录片《曼森》(Manson)的著作权所有人。他发现,《曼森》未经其许可,以DVD的形式在易趣上被拍卖,遂以其著作权受到侵害为由,向易趣发出通知信函,要求易趣立即停止侵权行为,移除侵权材料。易趣收到通知函后,提出按罗伯特·亨照DMCA4的要求制作一份合法有效的通知,从而确定侵权材料所在并予以删除。罗伯特·亨拒绝了易趣的建议,并将易趣诉     

社会主义民族:天高地阔养族性——中央“12条”与马克思主义民族理论中国化研究之三

本文从族性演化的视角解读中央“十二条”中的第三条。认为:社会主义时期各民族共同繁荣发展,在某种意义上是民族社会的族性因素随着历史演进不断再生并实现总体张扬。社会主义时期各民族间的共同因素不断增多,为族性张扬积累了优势资源,奠定了雄厚的基础。社会主义时期民族特点、民族差异和各民族在经济文化发展上的差距长期存在,正是民族社会族性因素持续演进的客观反映。而对社会主义民族族性再生现象的真切理解,是我们认识社会主义时期的民族问题的一个基本前提。     

诉讼机制的社会意义

<正> 龙宗智(以下简称龙):首先需要明白的诉讼机制的特征,通俗地说,即诉讼是什么。关于这一点,法学家查比罗认为,诉讼是一种"三方组合",即发生冲突的两方要求第三方解决他们争执的活动。从这个角度讲,诉讼的基本结构就是一种"三角结构。"处于对立状态的原告、被告和居于其间、踞于其上的审判官构成诉讼结构的三个基本支点,三者互动而寻求争端的解决。具体而言,这种"三角结构"蕴含着这样几顶基本原则。一是当事人与审判官相分离,审判官不得同时兼为原告人或被告人,也不能卷入案件的利益之中,     

民主的经济理论－－公共选择视野下的政治经济互动

文章研究了民主政治与政府经济政策的关系，探讨了赤字下的民主、公民的财政幻觉、政治经济据环、代议制民主的缺陷等问题。     

Moral dilemmas and pedagogical challenges in teaching about genocide

Human Rights Review -     

The Federal Line Item Veto Experiment: After the Supreme Court Ruling,What's Next?

The federal line item veto has ceased to exist, thanks to the Supreme Court's June 1998 ruling invalidating the expansion of the president's rescission authority that was contained in the Line Item Veto Act. This article reviews the application of the Act during 1997, its effect on spending and the deficit, the judicial reaction to its use, and the prospects for the restoration of some version of the power. President Clinton was quite restrained in the use of his new power, with the exception of his cancellations in the Military Construction appropriation bill; these were ultimately restored by the Congress. Because of the president's restraint, the Line Item Veto Act had a miniscule affect on spending and the deficit; total cancellations represented less than .04 percent of FY98 discretionary budget authority. Ultimately, the Supreme Court held that the Act violated Article I, Section 7 because it created a Constituionally impermissable way for the president to change laws. There is no clear fallback position for supporters of the Act; alternatives are either difficult to enact, hard to administer, or too weak to be considered an effective substitute. Given the problems in enacting any alternative, it may be that the federal line item veto will end up only as a historical anomaly.     

宪政：一种文明的政制形式

对于“政制”的理解和看法,不仅表现了东西方法律文明的不同发展特质,也代表着中国对法治文化内涵的理解,同时,还引发了中西方在国家即社会治理中的不同发展轨迹。笔者认为,只有对“政制”这一概念加以分析,才能更好地理解宪政观念在我国“依法治国”中的作用和意义。这里所讲的“政制”是与“政治”相对称,与“法制”相区别的制度性框架,是以特有的国家制度机制或治理方略为内容而形成的一整套与国家观念相匹配的宪政制度和理论。     

Federal Budgeting After September 11th: A Whole New Ballgame,or Is It Déjà Vu All Over Again?

Federal budgeting has undergone some profound changes since the tragic events of September 11th, 2001. Large surpluses that existed prior to September 11th and were forecast to continue have been replaced by equally large and intractable deficits. The consensus around a macro‐level norm for federal budgeting has completely broken down. In other ways, the federal budget process has not changed at all. Despite the emphasis on defense and homeland security, domestic discretionary spending is still continuing unabated, as it has since the late 1980s. Further, the federal government continues to have chronic difficulty adopting its budget in a timely fashion.