Corporate citizenship and social responsibility in a globalized world

This article addresses the rise of corporate citizenship in the context of the changes in the nature of individual citizenship and the emergence of new, non‐territorial forms of national identity that are occurring in the current era of intensifying globalization. It also ponders the power of corporate citizens and the role they play in the prevailing global governance framework, as well as the extent to which they can behave responsibly and pursue sustainable development goals. More generally, the article discusses the limits to corporate social responsibility and the extent to which capitalism can be ‘caring’. The argument advanced is that, by virtue of their very nature, transnational corporations (TNCs) cannot become fully responsible and accountable citizens. Nonetheless, they can be induced to transform themselves in ways that may be compatible with socially and environmentally desirable objectives. Lastly, the article explores paths for action and, in particular, the potential of NGOs and anti‐globalization social movements to become civil regulators able to push for the introduction of binding rules and regulations and the construction a governance framework capable of restraining and harnessing the power of TNCs.     

论“兼容并包、和而不同“的工会工作理念

在计划经济向市场经济过渡并逐步完善的今天,工会工作者应树立起"兼容并包、和而不同"的工作理念,变"隐性对立"为"兼容并包",变"尴尬点缀"为"和而不同",力求建立一种和谐稳定的劳动关系,以推动工会工作的开展。     

对我国计划生育政策的反思

本文从概述人口与经济的关系出发,用简单的人口增长模型论证了中国计划生育政策的必要性,阐述了其衍变过程;并从人口增长速度降低、占世界人口比重逐渐下降和人口转变乘数变小这三个角度对计划生育政策所取得的效果进行了评估。但是正如没有任何一项政策是十全十美的一样,中国在推行计划生育政策取得巨大成就的同时,也引发了一些问题。由于城乡之间政策本身、推行力度、经济水平以及生育观念的差异,我国乡村人口的自然增长率要高于城市,这导致我国人口发展存在着潜在的逆淘汰倾向。计划生育政策将我国的出生率在短期内强制性地压了下来,这种迅速的人口转变导致了人口老龄化的提前到来。与此同时,出生婴儿性别比例失调也是不容忽视的一个问题。最后,本文提出了应放松一胎化的政策建议。     

无私的爱 伟大的人——追忆同济大学中德学院前副院长哈尼施

亲爱的哈尼施先生,您在天堂还好么? 一别已经快两年了,先生,您的身体好些了么?记得2003年的6月26日,我们大家为您举行告别晚会,您还笑着说9月份要再来上海.可是,与此相隔不到两个月,噩耗传来,您因心脏病突发,于2003年8月21日,永远离开了我们.     

Post-neoliberal protest in Latin America as a struggle over the name of ‘the people’

If the ‘move to the left’ in the 2000s in Argentina and Brazil was the result of a longer process of contentious mobilization from below, enacted primarily during the latter part of the previous decade, what kind of social imaginaries have been enacted in the newest wave of discontent and what is its likely effect on the post-neoliberal form of governance? The argument put forward here is that the newest wave of social protest elicits the re-enactment of the liberal imaginary indirectly expressed under the notion of the republic. This operation tends to undermine the bases of post-neoliberalism, i.e. ‘the popular’, ‘the national-popular’ and ‘anti-neoliberalism: the imaginaries that defined the move to the left in the region. A new activated public, associated with middle-class sectors, raises new demands and does not identify with the ‘anti-neoliberal’ camp. Inasmuch as this activation entails a dispute over the name of the people, it signals a slowdown in the efficacy existing populist formations possess to deepen the movement towards more radical reforms.     

内幕交易、泄露内幕信息罪若干问题研究

我国虽于1997年修订刑法时将证券市场严重的内幕交易、泄露内幕信息行为犯罪化了,但新刑法颁布以来的司法实践证明,关于此罪的规定很少被适用,刑法的预防、威慑和惩罚功能并没有得到很好地发挥,这与日益严重的内幕交易、泄露内幕信息的犯罪现实形成鲜明对比。笔者以为,造成这一现象的原因之一是刑法规定本身的不完善以及刑法、附属刑法、行政法规之间缺乏应有的衔接和协调而导致司法操作的困难。本文立足于刑法180条(修正案)的规定,对内幕交易、泄露内幕信息罪在主体、客观方面、处罚等方面存在的相关问题进行了探讨。