首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   262篇
  免费   32篇
各国政治   16篇
工人农民   14篇
世界政治   23篇
外交国际关系   23篇
法律   118篇
中国政治   3篇
政治理论   94篇
综合类   3篇
  2024年   1篇
  2023年   4篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   7篇
  2020年   11篇
  2019年   16篇
  2018年   19篇
  2017年   19篇
  2016年   29篇
  2015年   22篇
  2014年   14篇
  2013年   35篇
  2012年   8篇
  2011年   10篇
  2010年   8篇
  2009年   16篇
  2008年   7篇
  2007年   7篇
  2006年   8篇
  2005年   8篇
  2004年   3篇
  2003年   10篇
  2002年   6篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   1篇
  1999年   3篇
  1997年   1篇
  1996年   1篇
  1995年   1篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   1篇
  1992年   1篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   1篇
  1988年   3篇
  1987年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
排序方式: 共有294条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
212.
Gender Dimensions of Public Service Motivation   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
Feminist scholars of public administration have critiqued the dominance of masculine imagery in public administration theory and practice. However, public service motivation is one area of public administration discourse that contains both feminine and masculine imagery. Focusing on Perry's multidimensional public service motivation scale, the authors borrow from a range of social science literatures to contend that compassion is a feminine dimension of public service motivation, whereas attraction to policy making and commitment to public service are masculine dimensions. Data from a survey of public managers in state health and human service agencies reveal that women score higher on Perry's compassion subscale but also on attraction to policy making. No statistically significant gender differences were found on commitment to public service.  相似文献   
213.
In 1998, 46 states and the four major tobacco companies signed the Master Settlement Agreement (MSA), which stipulated that the tobacco companies pay states $206 billion over 25 years and take steps to reduce youth smoking. The remaining states settled separately. We sought to determine the effect of the settlements on demand for cigarettes. Using a nationwide sample from 1990 to 2002, we estimated a model of the decision to smoke cigarettes. The settlements affected smoking primarily through price increases for cigarettes, although there was evidence that other policy instruments influenced smoking rates for younger smokers. By 2002, the settlements had reduced overall smoking rates by 13 percent for ages 18 to 20 and older than 65 and 5 percent for ages 21 to 64.  相似文献   
214.
Brophy J 《危机》2003,24(4):155-159
Thirty-two cases of suicide outside prison were identified among 7008 Irish men under investigation for sexual offenses between 1990 and 1999. Previously this risk category has not been identified. Risk ratios of 1/1644 for those accused of offenses against adults, and 1/24 for those accused of offending against minors, respectively, were estimated based on the conservative estimates found here. The increase in the base rate of suicide in Ireland during the study period is an insufficient explanation. The frequency is comparable to prison suicides for the period, and the population of risk may overlap. The incidence increases over the study period. It outpaces increases in prosecutions and may reflect responses to the changing social environment of these investigations. These men use community psychiatric services that may need to become aware of the increased risk of suicide they pose.  相似文献   
215.
There is a rich literature on how state governments use slack fiscal resources—most often in the form of rainy day funds and budget stabilization funds—to minimize the effect of economic downturns. This paper presents the first known examination of whether slack resources have the same counter‐cyclical effects at the local level. It uses a panel data set to determine whether one particular form of local fiscal slack, general fund balance, stabilizes current annual expenditures among a sample of 103 Minnesota cities from 1990 to 2000. The findings suggest different fund balance portions have marginal but nonetheless important effects on expenditures.  相似文献   
216.
Considerable research on political discussion has focused on identifying its antecedents and outcomes. The rise of voting by mail provides an opportunity to examine the subject in a new context—one in which voters discuss their views and electoral choices with others while filling out their ballots. We explored the possibility that conventional predictors of political engagement would predict who partakes in such discussions. Past research also suggested that those voters most likely to report changing their minds as a result of discussion would perceive their discussants as holding contrary views and higher levels of political sophistication. We further hypothesized that less politically engaged voters would seek out discussants they rated as more knowledgeable than themselves, whereas the more politically sophisticated voters would seek out like-minded discussants. Past research also suggested that the least partisan voters would be those most likely to report disagreement in their absentee discussions. To test these hypotheses, we analyzed telephone survey data from two elections conducted in Washington State. Results showed that the factors that predict traditional forms of political participation and discussion do not explain who engages in discussion during vote-by-mail elections. We also found that independent voters were more likely to talk with ideologically divergent discussants, whereas less knowledgeable citizens sought discussants who knew more about politics than they did. Many voters reported that these discussions shaped their vote choices, with the highest rates of perceived influence coming from those who viewed their discussion partners as more knowledgeable and more ideologically divergent.  相似文献   
217.
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is common, particularly in families with children. Observing such verbal and physical aggression has consistently been linked to unfavorable outcomes for affected children. Although cohabiting families are becoming increasingly prevalent and preliminary data suggest that rates of IPV may be high in these families, little is currently known about IPV and its impact as experienced by adolescents living in cohabiting families. This study used data from low-income urban Black cohabiting families (N = 92) to (1) examine agreement of reports of verbal and physical IPV between the adolescent and the mother and between the adolescent and the male cohabiting partner (MCP) and (2) test associations between IPV and youth mental health. A higher percentage of adolescents reported the occurrence of IPV, particularly physical violence, than did mothers and MCPs. Relative to those living in minimally violent or verbally violent homes, adolescents living in verbally and physically violent homes reported higher rates of internalizing and externalizing problem behaviors. These youth also reported higher levels of self-blame for the conflict and a worse relationship with the MCP but not the mother.  相似文献   
218.
In 2013, the Arizona Snowbowl Ski Resort began spraying artificial snow made from reclaimed wastewater on Arizona's highest peak, a place the Hopi people call Nuvatukya'ovi, “Snow‐on‐top‐of‐it.” As one of the Hopis’ most sacred places, the home of the katsinam and the southwestern boundary marker of their aboriginal territory, the Hopi have fought for decades to stop development of the ski resort, which today sits on US Forest Service land. Viewing the history of this dispute through the lens of Atuahene's notion of a “dignity taking,” this article argues that despite never having been relocated, the indignities that the Hopi have suffered by US dispossessions of much of their aboriginal territory are the product of a series of bureaucratic sleights of hand that only bear the mark of legality if one ignores history and denies the enduring right to self‐determination and sovereignty that Hopi have continuously claimed with regard to the totality of their aboriginal land.
  • Yuuyahiwa,

  • Ayamo Nuvatukya'ove'e.

  • Oo'oomawutu,

  • angqw puma naayuwasinaya,

  • pewi'i.

  • They are preparing themselves [for a journey],

  • Over there at the snow‐capped mountains [San Francisco Peaks].

  • The clouds,

  • From there, they are putting on their endowments [of rain power],

  • To come here.

  • A Hopi katsinam song recalled by Emory Sekaquaptewa (from Sekaquaptewa and Washburn, 2004, 468)

  •   相似文献   
    219.
    Recent criminological scholarship on penal history museums has shown how sites of popular culture tend to silence the voices of prisoners and present them in ways that legitimate the deprivation of their liberty. While representations that reinforce the penal status quo are observable at most Canadian penal history sites, there are outliers that situate imprisonment as a form of oppression, and account for prisoners’ struggles and resistance. Drawing on three case studies from a 5-year qualitative research project on Canadian lock-up, jail, prison and penitentiary museums, we discuss what critical punishment memorialization looks like in a context of penal intensification in Canada. We show how such critical representations depend on the historical contextualization of penality as a manifestation of colonialism and/or the incorporation of prisoners’ voices and standpoint. We argue that the critical representations and narratives at these museum sites open up possibilities for the social distance between penal spectators and the incarcerated to be diminished by bringing humanizing prisoner narratives into focus in an otherwise dark tourist space.  相似文献   
    220.
    设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

    Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号