Nation,national remembrance,and education – Polish schools as factories of nationalism and prejudice

This article describes and attempts to explain the reasons for the conservative and nationalist character of Polish schools. The author uses data from surveys, analyzes political programs, postulates concerning education put forward by conservatives, and quotes poems emphasizing national identity from textbooks used at schools to teach reading skills. According to the author, it can be observed that nationalists build an atmosphere of aversion to immigrants, which affects racism in the school hallways. The article also presents the phenomenon of so-called school chambers of national remembrance, which are part of patriotic rituals practiced by Polish society. The author emphasizes that nationalism is the basis for changes in history programs of study, which are part of the educational reform implemented by the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwo?? – PiS) government. The cultural soft power, which is used to make reality more “national,” complements the administrative and political hard power of the PiS party – both tools are used to create an authoritarian-nationalist vision of social order.     

Maternity in inter-war Poland: visions and realities

This article examines changes in the position of women within Poland's intelligentsia in the years after the First World War, focusing on the evolution of the role of ‘mother’. Key factors in these processes were, firstly, an increasing number of professionally active women and, secondly, access to birth control. Changing attitudes and practices regarding childcare as well as the relationship between maternity and women's professional activity are considered.     

Effectiveness of Functional Family Therapy for Mandated Versus Non‐Mandated Youth

This study compares the outcomes for youth mandated to participate in Functional Family Therapy (FFT) to those whose participation was referred but voluntary. FFT is a short‐term intervention for delinquents and status offenders, along with their parents. The study sample consists of 120 cases: 70 youth and parents who were mandated by the Family Court to participate in FFT and 50 youth and their parents who were referred to FFT by other agencies. The sample is diverse in terms of gender, race and ethnicity. The outcome variables consist of a set of scales obtained from the Strengths and Needs Assessment (SNA). Changes in life domain functioning, child strengths, acculturation, caregivers' strengths, caregivers' needs, child behavioral emotional needs, and child risk behaviors are assessed. The analysis indicates that both groups improved across all domains. Overall, being mandated to participate in FFT does not predict greater improvements in outcomes. The findings suggest that status offenders and minor delinquents who participated in FFT could be processed less formally without foregoing the therapy outcomes.     

Legal/illegal: protesting citizenship in Fortress America

This article examines the issue of legality and illegality, focusing on U.S. citizenship, anti-immigrant rage, and pro-immigrant protests. The central case study is an analysis of what I call digital rage, namely, the rhetorical strategies present in anti-immigrant online activism. I argue that online performance of rage invests in acts of bordering (Nyers 2008) which propel a discourse of white supremacist pure nation and neurotic citizenship (Isin 2004). The final part of this article explores No Human Being is Illegal, a protest art exhibition. Imaginatively refusing forms of citizenship grounded in legal/illegal axis, the exhibition exposes U.S. citizenship itself as illegal, rooted in the colonization of indigenous people and in current neocolonizing practices of exploitation.     

Why Do Non-partisans Challenge Parties in Local Politics? The (Extreme) Case of Poland

The article concentrates on recent successes of non-partisans (independents) in Polish local government. A majority of mayors and councillors remains unaffiliated with any party—in this respect Poland is an outlier among European countries. The article examines both the factors determining the cross-national variation in the level of local government partyness and those causing the differences between the municipalities. The analyses of local elections held in 2006 and 2010 demonstrate that non-partisans' successes are primarily due to the previous election results (the advantage of incumbency); a possible ‘partisan offensive’ to colonise new resources in local politics is sluggish.     

The Russian Orthodox Church as Part of the State and Society

The author analyzes how the relations of the Russian Orthodox Church with the Russian state and with Russian society have developed under Patriarch Kirill.     

Determinants of judges’ career choices and productivity: a Polish case study

European Journal of Law and Economics - The goal of this paper is to identify factors which affect judges’ productivity and career choice motives with the view of increasing judicial...     

Peace Diplomacy and the Domestic Dimension of Norwegian Foreign Policy: The Insider's Accounts

By focusing on the internal conditions and rationale behind the development of Norwegian peace diplomacy (as seen by Norwegian diplomats and nongovernmental organisation representatives), this study argues that the high level of the country's engagement in international peace efforts and its success in pursuing a ‘niche diplomacy’ can be attributed to two factors. First, it is the ability of the Norwegian government to capitalise on the society's belief that Norwegians are a ‘Peace Nation’ with a missionary obligation. Second, it is the existence of the so‐called ‘Norwegian Model’, which allows creating efficient interactions between government, civil society and research institutions in specific foreign policy efforts. Both factors combined make Norwegian peace diplomacy a model example representing New Public Diplomacy, where domestic civil society remains both an audience (‘Norway as a Peace Nation’ notion) and a driver (Norwegian model of cooperation) of state public diplomacy efforts.