全文获取类型
收费全文 | 7544篇 |
免费 | 180篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 389篇 |
工人农民 | 249篇 |
世界政治 | 475篇 |
外交国际关系 | 288篇 |
法律 | 4741篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 30篇 |
政治理论 | 1458篇 |
综合类 | 93篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 72篇 |
2019年 | 86篇 |
2018年 | 129篇 |
2017年 | 147篇 |
2016年 | 169篇 |
2015年 | 126篇 |
2014年 | 144篇 |
2013年 | 818篇 |
2012年 | 216篇 |
2011年 | 206篇 |
2010年 | 162篇 |
2009年 | 171篇 |
2008年 | 204篇 |
2007年 | 181篇 |
2006年 | 190篇 |
2005年 | 152篇 |
2004年 | 157篇 |
2003年 | 163篇 |
2002年 | 167篇 |
2001年 | 309篇 |
2000年 | 286篇 |
1999年 | 223篇 |
1998年 | 87篇 |
1997年 | 104篇 |
1996年 | 80篇 |
1995年 | 86篇 |
1994年 | 91篇 |
1993年 | 80篇 |
1992年 | 162篇 |
1991年 | 177篇 |
1990年 | 157篇 |
1989年 | 172篇 |
1988年 | 147篇 |
1987年 | 143篇 |
1986年 | 165篇 |
1985年 | 127篇 |
1984年 | 125篇 |
1983年 | 131篇 |
1982年 | 79篇 |
1981年 | 77篇 |
1980年 | 57篇 |
1979年 | 110篇 |
1978年 | 63篇 |
1977年 | 62篇 |
1976年 | 56篇 |
1975年 | 66篇 |
1974年 | 81篇 |
1973年 | 76篇 |
1972年 | 67篇 |
1971年 | 60篇 |
排序方式: 共有7724条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
161.
Participants in a specialelection held in the State of Mississippion April 17, 2001, voted overwhelminglyagainst changing the design of the state'sflag, which incorporates a symbol of theConfederacy. The determinants of voting onthe flag are analyzed and turnout rates inApril 2001 are compared with those forrecent gubernatorial and presidentialelections. We find that the flag votedivided Mississippians sharply along linesof race, class and political ideology. Akey empirical implication is that voterpositions in issue space tend to be morepolarized when political choices haveexpressive as opposed to instrumentalconsequences. 相似文献
162.
Philip G. Joyce 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1998,18(4):3-21
The federal line item veto has ceased to exist, thanks to the Supreme Court's June 1998 ruling invalidating the expansion of the president's rescission authority that was contained in the Line Item Veto Act. This article reviews the application of the Act during 1997, its effect on spending and the deficit, the judicial reaction to its use, and the prospects for the restoration of some version of the power. President Clinton was quite restrained in the use of his new power, with the exception of his cancellations in the Military Construction appropriation bill; these were ultimately restored by the Congress. Because of the president's restraint, the Line Item Veto Act had a miniscule affect on spending and the deficit; total cancellations represented less than .04 percent of FY98 discretionary budget authority. Ultimately, the Supreme Court held that the Act violated Article I, Section 7 because it created a Constituionally impermissable way for the president to change laws. There is no clear fallback position for supporters of the Act; alternatives are either difficult to enact, hard to administer, or too weak to be considered an effective substitute. Given the problems in enacting any alternative, it may be that the federal line item veto will end up only as a historical anomaly. 相似文献
163.
164.
Philip G. Joyce 《Public Budgeting & Finance》2005,25(1):15-31
Federal budgeting has undergone some profound changes since the tragic events of September 11th, 2001. Large surpluses that existed prior to September 11th and were forecast to continue have been replaced by equally large and intractable deficits. The consensus around a macro‐level norm for federal budgeting has completely broken down. In other ways, the federal budget process has not changed at all. Despite the emphasis on defense and homeland security, domestic discretionary spending is still continuing unabated, as it has since the late 1980s. Further, the federal government continues to have chronic difficulty adopting its budget in a timely fashion. 相似文献
165.
Kevin G. Cai 《当代中国》2005,14(45):585-597
While China's move toward a FTA with ASEAN reflects Beijing's most recent foreign economic policy adjustment and represents a new stage in the nation's open-door policy, it inevitably produces significant impact on cross-Taiwan Straits relations. This recent development in China's foreign economic relations brings not only substantial psychological and real effects and pressure on Taiwan for its possible isolation and marginalization from the ongoing process of regional integration in East Asia, but also growing pressure exerted by the island's business community that fears being pushed into a disadvantageous position in competition with ASEAN companies in the ever expanding and lucrative market of the mainland. For strategic, diplomatic, and economic considerations in the face of this new challenge, Taiwan is pursuing counter-measures by searching for its own FTAs with other countries within and beyond the region. 相似文献
166.
167.
Critical race scholars have called into question the objective neutrality upon which much positivist social science rests, arguing that it discursively masks how whiteness underpins the normative purview of research design and findings. As the scholarly securing of whiteness takes shape through explicit and discursive mechanisms, this article examines how it is manifest in criminological research through an intertextual analysis of contemporary peer-reviewed scholarship. Examining 558 articles in five recognized journals, this paper documents how blind spots towards race and racial stratification surface in criminological research, arguing that most of the articles analyzed do not simply ignore White privilege; they actively uphold it. Findings suggest that they do so through two means: first by whitewashing race, that is, disregarding how race and racism can differentially affect acts and trends of crime and deviance, and secondly, by narrowly representing race as merely explanatory variable without querying the broader power relations it marks. After discussing how these patterns reveal and uphold whiteness as a normative value, we conclude with a discussion of preliminary steps aimed at exposing and unpacking how White logic informs the field. 相似文献
168.
169.
170.