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221.
Kathryn Hendley 《Law & social inquiry》2011,36(2):388-418
The article presents findings from a qualitative study of how Russians deal with neighbors who have leaked water onto them. In the Russian context, this is neither an uncommon nor a small problem. Building on US‐based studies of neighborhood relations, the article lays out three alternative strategies: avoidance, self‐help, and third‐party intervention. The Russian participants lived in close proximity to one another and had little opportunity for exit. The study documents a strong preference for self‐help, confirming the potency of the relational distance hypothesis for Russia. In contrast to their US counterparts, the Russian participants' lack of exit did not give rise to more intense and prolonged disputes. The findings suggest that there is a strong informal norm in favor of neighbors resolving disputes among themselves and that the residents who share common entryways (pod”ezdy) work out the parameters of acceptable behavior over time. These informal norms shape Russians' legal consciousness. 相似文献
222.
Kathryn Hochstetler 《Regulation & Governance》2012,6(3):362-370
The basic rationale of the regulatory state is to insulate certain kinds of decisionmaking from political actors. The main purpose of this commentary is to assess the ways that members of civil society, in fact, often shadow and contest the central actors of the regulatory state, even though they are ostensibly well outside it. I offer three distinctions to help broaden and sharpen analysis of the roles and impact of civil society actors: whether civil society actors have special expertise or not; whether the regulatory state is being put in place or already exists; and whether civil society actions are broadly complementary to, or substitutive of, state action. In discussing each of these, I also explore the consequences of the transfer of the regulatory state to the global South, and the way that change in location shapes both the role and impact of civil society and the regulatory state itself. 相似文献
223.
The Metropolitan Police Service currently uses cotton swabs to retrieve DNA for forensic profiling. Recently, a new nylon flocked swab type has become available from Copan (MicroRheologics, Brescia, Italy) that it is claimed, offers increased sample recovery and release yields. If true, the flocked swab may have important applications in DNA evidence retrieval. This study examines the DNA retrieval capability of cotton and nylon flocked swabs when extracted using three common extraction platforms (QIAcube, BioRobot EZ1 and manually processed QIAamp DNA investigator kit). Results indicate that both swab types are capable of recovering high percentages of DNA (>50%); however, the extraction platform selected was shown to have a significant effect upon DNA retrieval. Across all experiments, the cotton swab combined with the spin-column extractions was shown to be most effective, with the nylon swab and BioRobot EZ1 combination being the least effective. These findings illustrate the importance of extraction method selection. 相似文献
224.
Kathryn C. Seigfried-Spellar 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2018,33(3):215-226
Previous research indicates law enforcement investigators and digital forensic examiners working child exploitation cases are at an increased risk for experiencing psychological distress; however, the roles of digital forensic examiners and investigators often overlap substantially when working child pornography cases. Thus, the current study was the first to compare the psychological well-being, job satisfaction, coping mechanisms, and attitudes toward mental health services for individuals working as either digital forensic examiners and/or investigators of child pornography cases. Law enforcement officers were solicited from the Internet Crimes Against Children task force listserv, and based on their current self-reported duties, 20 were classified as digital forensic examiners-only, 71 as investigators-only, and 38 as both digital forensic examiners and investigators of cases involving Internet child pornography. Results showed significant differences between groups; individuals performing both duties scored significantly higher on secondary traumatic stress, higher on feelings of worthlessness, and lower on concentration compared to digital forensic examiners-only. Individuals performing both duties also reported significantly lower scores on job satisfaction compared to investigators-only. Finally, individuals working both duties were significantly more likely to know someone who sought counseling as a result of work-related stress. The study’s mental health implications and future research suggestions are discussed. 相似文献
225.
Kathryn Hendley 《Law & social inquiry》2015,40(2):531-552
Burbank, Jane . 2004 . Russian Peasants Go to Court: Legal Culture in the Countryside, 1905–1917 . Bloomington, IN : Indiana University Press. Pp. xix + 374. $49.95 cloth. Feifer, George . 1964 . Justice in Moscow . New York : Simon and Schuster. Pp. 336 . $20.95 paper. Kaminskaya, Dina . 1982 . Final Judgment: My Life as a Soviet Defense Attorney . Trans. Michael Glenny. New York : Simon and Schuster. Pp. 364 . Out of print. Ledeneva, Alena V . 2013 . Can Russia Modernise? Sistema, Power Networks and Informal Governance . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Pp. xv + 332. $90.00 cloth; $32.99 paper. McDonald, Tracy . 2011 . Face to the Village: The Riazan Countryside under Soviet Rule, 1921–1930 . Toronto : University of Toronto Press. Pp. xvii + 422. $75.00 cloth. Politkovskaya, Anna . 2004 . Putin's Russia: Life in a Failing Democracy . Trans. Arch Tait. London : Harvill Press. Pp. 304 . $17.00 paper. Popova, Maria . 2012 . Politicized Justice in Emerging Democracies: A Study of Courts in Russia and Ukraine . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Pp. xii + 197. $103.00 cloth; $29.99 paper. Romanova, Ol'ga . 2010 . Butyrka . Moscow : Izdatel'stvo Astrel'. Pp. 316 . 240 rubles. The literature on the role of law in countries with so‐called hybrid regimes that are stuck somewhere between democracy and authoritarianism tends to dwell on the politicization of law and the courts. This has the effect of discounting the importance of the vast majority of cases that are decided in accord with the law. Taking Russia as a case study, this essay reviews a cross‐section of the literature on its courts in order to document this tendency and explore why alternative narratives of law have failed to gain traction: Burbank's Russian Peasants Go to Court ( 2004 ); Feifer's Justice in Moscow ( 1964 ); Kaminskaya's Final Judgment ( 1982 ); Ledeneva's Can Russia Modernise? ( 2013 ); McDonald's Face to the Village ( 2011 ); Politkovskaya's Putin's Russia ( 2004 ); Popova's Politicized Justice in Emerging Democracies ( 2012 ); and Romanova's Butyrka ( 2010 ). 相似文献
226.
Kathryn Sikkink 《拉美政治与社会》2008,50(1):1-29
Democratizing states began in the 1980s to hold individuals, including past heads of state, accountable for human rights violations. The 1984 Argentine truth commission report (Nunca Más) and the 1985 trials of the juntas helped to initiate this trend. Argentina also developed other justice‐seeking mechanisms, including the first groups of mothers and grandmothers of the disappeared, the first human rights forensic anthropology team, and the first truth trials. Argentines helped to define the very term forced disappearance and to develop regional and international instruments to end the practice. Argentina thus illustrates the potential for global human rights protagonism and diffusion of ideas from a country outside the wealthy North. This article surveys Argentina's innovations and proposes possible explanations, drawing on theoretical studies from transitional justice, social movements, and norms cascades in international relations. 相似文献
227.
This article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re‐equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation. 相似文献
228.
This article examines violence in legalized brothels in Nevada. Debates over prostitution policies in the United States have long focused on questions of safety and risk. These discourses inevitably invoke the coupling of violence and prostitution, though systematic examinations of the relationship between the two are sparse. This article explores the issue of violence in the Nevada brothel industry. By drawing on interviews with prostitutes, managers, and policy makers, this article examines both prostitutes' perceptions of safety and risk and brothel managers' practices designed to mitigate violence. Discourses relate to three types of violence: interpersonal violence against prostitutes, violence against community order, and sexually transmitted diseases as violence. The authors conclude by arguing that the legalization of prostitution brings a level of public scrutiny, official regulation, and bureaucratization to brothels that decreases the risk of these 3 types of systematic violence. 相似文献
229.
Sandra L. Martin April Harris-Britt Yun Li Kathryn E. Moracco Lawrence L. Kupper Jacquelyn C. Campbell 《Journal of family violence》2004,19(4):201-210
Women's experiences of partner violence, both before and during pregnancy, are described using a convenience sample of women recruited from prenatal clinics. Included were an index group of women who told their clinicians that they had been physically abused during pregnancy, and a comparison group of women who told their clinicians that they had not been physically abused during pregnancy (even though later more detailed assessment found that some of these comparison women had experienced such violence). The women averaged 27 years of age, with 83% being high school graduates, 26% being married, and 66% having had previous children. The Conflict Tactics Scales 2 assessed rates of partner violence victimization of the women and their male partners, including psychological aggression, physical assault, and sexual coercion. Injuries also were assessed. Results showed that comparison men were physically assaulted at significantly higher rates than were their female partners, both before and during pregnancy (even though these victimization rates were much lower than those seen among the index couples). Index women experienced higher rates of psychological aggression, physical assault, and sexual coercion than did their male partners, and these women were significantly more likely than their male partners to be injured. Pregnancy onset was associated with significant increases in the rates of psychological aggression among both the index and comparison couples. In addition, the index women experienced a significantly increased rate of sexual violence victimization during pregnancy. However, pregnancy was not associated with significant increases in the rates of physical assault or violence-related injuries among the index or comparison couples. 相似文献
230.