全文获取类型
收费全文 | 923篇 |
免费 | 43篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 71篇 |
工人农民 | 40篇 |
世界政治 | 79篇 |
外交国际关系 | 39篇 |
法律 | 311篇 |
中国政治 | 5篇 |
政治理论 | 373篇 |
综合类 | 48篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 13篇 |
2019年 | 22篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 29篇 |
2016年 | 18篇 |
2015年 | 18篇 |
2014年 | 21篇 |
2013年 | 100篇 |
2012年 | 23篇 |
2011年 | 24篇 |
2010年 | 28篇 |
2009年 | 29篇 |
2008年 | 17篇 |
2007年 | 28篇 |
2006年 | 40篇 |
2005年 | 28篇 |
2004年 | 39篇 |
2003年 | 33篇 |
2002年 | 29篇 |
2001年 | 28篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 15篇 |
1997年 | 14篇 |
1996年 | 13篇 |
1995年 | 16篇 |
1994年 | 19篇 |
1993年 | 18篇 |
1992年 | 14篇 |
1991年 | 18篇 |
1990年 | 16篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 17篇 |
1986年 | 16篇 |
1985年 | 7篇 |
1984年 | 16篇 |
1983年 | 12篇 |
1982年 | 19篇 |
1981年 | 11篇 |
1980年 | 16篇 |
1979年 | 8篇 |
1978年 | 16篇 |
1977年 | 9篇 |
1976年 | 8篇 |
1975年 | 5篇 |
1974年 | 9篇 |
1973年 | 9篇 |
1970年 | 7篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
排序方式: 共有966条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
171.
172.
This paper explores Senate policy-making toward Israel from 1993–2002. Previous scholarship suggests that congressional policymaking toward Israel is heavily influenced by the ethnic and religious identification of both legislators and their constituents, not simply by legislators' abstract perceptions of the national interest. Other literature de-emphasizes the likelihood that constituent interests will affect Congressional foreign policy making. We test for an impact of both elite and constituent characteristics on Congressional support for Israel, using sponsorship–cosponsorship decisions in the 103rd–107th Congresses. Israel's strongest supporters in this period are shown to be Jewish, conservative, Republican, and evangelical senators. Notably, elite characteristics (partisanship, ideology, and religion) matter more than constituency factors, with the exception of the Jewish population in senators' home states. While Jewish and conservative senators have long been vocal supporters of Israel, evangelical and Republican senators have not historically taken such a strong pro-Israel stance; hence they are relatively new additions to the active pro-Israel coalition. Thus the pro-Israel coalition shows both continuity and change as it has broadened to include new partners. However, we suggest that this coalition is not necessarily stable and may undergo further evolution in the future. 相似文献
173.
Norman H. Nie Darwin W. Miller III Saar Golde Daniel M. Butler Kenneth Winneg 《American journal of political science》2010,54(2):428-439
We propose a framework for understanding how the Internet has affected the U.S. political news market. The framework is driven by the lower cost of production for online news and consumers' tendency to seek out media that conform to their own beliefs. The framework predicts that consumers of Internet news sources should hold more extreme political views and be interested in more diverse political issues than those who solely consume mainstream television news. We test these predictions using two large datasets with questions about news exposure and political views. Generally speaking, we find that consumers of generally left‐of‐center (right‐of‐center) cable news sources who combine their cable news viewing with online sources are more liberal (conservative) than those who do not. We also find that those who use online news content are more likely than those who consume only television news content to be interested in niche political issues. 相似文献
174.
175.
A Capital Appreciation Bond (CAB) is a financial instrument that is most attractive as a resource-flow management instrument. It bridges multiple fiscal years for jurisdictions experiencing rapid growth, potentially stretching for decades, but may also be used by localities experiencing fiscal distress. Using debt issuance data by independent school districts in Texas, who utilized almost all such bonds in the state, we present empirical evidence that CABs are associated with both the service and fiscal pressure factors. We further observe that, though the threat from CABs in terms of borrowing costs may have been exaggerated, enacting limits on debt repayment ratios (ratio of payment size at maturity to premium size) was likely the right legislative intervention. 相似文献
176.
The Supreme Court instructs that the most important consideration in analyzing fair use is the effect on the market for the original. Employing music sales data, this article presents evidence of digital sampling's effect on the sales of sampled songs. Our results indicate that a reassessment of fair use in the area of music sampling is needed since sales of sampled songs increased after being repurposed within new songs. These results are robust and highly statistically significant. Findings of this nature favor a judicial determination that sampling constitutes a fair use, even when considering the influence that a new work has on extant licensing markets for sample clearance. This article argues that the current sample–licensing market is a product of aberrant antisampling case law arising from a lack of relevant empirical data and nonutilitarian judicial opinions. As set forth herein, the goal of encouraging creative activity without hindering copyright owners’ capacity to financially gain from their work is served by implementing a limited presumption of fair use for sampling. The findings are further applicable outside of the fair use analysis, as the study is important in the private law when viewed through a law and strategy lens. Forward thinking music firms should reframe their approach by encouraging sampling of their works to secure cost‐free advertising and achieve a competitive advantage. 相似文献
177.
Nicole Yarid M.D. Emily C. Brown M.D. Markus Boos M.D. Ph.D. Jeffrey Otjen M.D. James Metz M.D. Carole Jenny M.D. Kenneth W. Feldman M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2019,64(1):284-288
Traumatic cardiac ventricular ruptures in children are rare. Only a single case of left ventricular rupture due to child abuse has been reported. We report a child who sustained a fatal left ventricular apical rupture. It appeared to have resulted from hydrostatic forces resulting from abusive blunt thoracic injury. That he was being abused was previously missed when he was presented to the emergency department with facial pyoderma. It was not noted that he also had lip and oral mucosal injury, sites not affected by staph toxins. As a result, his underlying, abusive and secondarily infected, facial flow type scald burn was not appreciated. Within a week thereafter his fatal injury occurred, accompanied by extensive and obvious associated abusive injuries. Postmortem high‐detail whole body computed tomography scanning aided the autopsy. Although rare, ventricular rupture from abusive blunt thoracic injury can occur. 相似文献
178.
Kenneth B. Scott 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2011,55(2-3):121-132
The creation of a Scottish Parliament and Scottish government in 1999, under the process of devolution within the UK, created a significantly different constitutional and political landscape from that which preceded it. The impact on domestic issues in Scotland, such as policing, has been considerable. This is partly because of new structural arrangements, including the creation of a Justice Minister and a Justice Committee of the Parliament, and partly because of the significance of the law and order agenda within Scottish politics. This paper discusses the impact of these developments on the Scottish police. Analysis focuses on the growing involvement of the Scottish Parliament and Scottish governments in key areas such as constabulary independence, police accountability and the management of police resources. Through this discussion, the paper seeks to make a contribution to the debate about the relationship between the police and politics, and the extent to which policing in Scotland is becoming increasingly politicised. 相似文献
179.
Kenneth F. Greene 《American journal of political science》2011,55(2):398-416
Despite ample evidence of preelection volatility in vote intentions in new democracies, scholars of comparative politics remain skeptical that campaigns affect election outcomes. Research on the United States provides a theoretical rationale for campaign effects, but shows little of it in practice in presidential elections because candidates’ media investments are about equal and voters’ accumulated political knowledge and partisan attachments make them resistant to persuasive messages. I vary these parameters by examining a new democracy where voters’ weaker partisan attachments and lower levels of political information magnify the effects of candidates’ asymmetric media investments to create large persuasion effects. The findings have implications for the generalizability of campaign effects theory to new democracies, the development of mass partisanship, candidate advertising strategies, and the specific outcome of Mexico's hotly contested 2006 presidential election. Data come primarily from the Mexico 2006 Panel Study. 相似文献
180.