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31.
Kerstin Schembera 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2016,29(3):1022-1043
From 1991 until 2012, the European Union (EU) applied sanctions on Myanmar with the purpose of promoting democracy and human rights. In addition, the EU called on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to exert pressure on Myanmar. This paper analyses, in the context of Myanmar’s 1997 accession to ASEAN, how the EU’s sanctions approach towards Myanmar was perceived within ASEAN and related repercussions of this approach on ASEAN–EU interregional relations. With the accession of Myanmar as the base story, it is argued that a regional organizations membership concept implies specific dealings with normative ideas such as democracy and human rights as well as strategies of punishment such as sanctions. The differing membership concepts of ASEAN and the EU explain ASEAN’s critical perception of the EU’s sanctions on Myanmar. Further, the conceptual difference in membership also explains that the EU’s pressure on ASEAN has severely impaired the interregional relations. 相似文献
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Kerstin Jacobsson 《Scandinavian political studies》1997,20(1):69-90
This article addresses the question of legitimacy, both in a general theoretical perspective and more specifically in relation to policy making in the European Union. It is argued that Jürgen Habermas' recent theories of discursive will formation provide a useful frame work for understanding the current problems of legitimacy in European policy making. The main proposition is the central connection between communication and legitimacy, and it is argued that improving the communicative character of policy making should be a central aspect of the democratization efforts in Western Europe. 相似文献
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Kerstin Johansson 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2014,15(2):143-158
In crime prevention, local cooperation and networks have recently become central organizing principles and concepts, especially in Nordic countries such as Sweden. This article explores cooperation in Swedish crime prevention by examining a local example, the regional network Regbrå. Regbrå aims to increase knowledge about crime prevention through cooperation and to support local crime prevention efforts by the municipalities in Östergötland County. Regbrå has promoted many universal (primary), selective (secondary), and indicated (tertiary) crime prevention mechanisms. The Regbrå case also merits attention because of its strong links with a local university and higher education. Some shortcomings and problems also emerge in the analysis, such as the possibility that cooperation becomes an end to itself, detached from verified crime reduction effects. The analysis draws on a study of the Regbrå network, including interviews with qualitative experts (N = 10) and a survey sent to involved municipalities (N = 13). 相似文献
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Adrian Ritz Amanda Shantz Kerstin Alfes Alana S. Arshoff 《International Public Management Journal》2013,16(2):160-185
ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to shed light on an understudied topic in public administration, namely, commitment to organizational change. Specifically, this study examines the extent to which the quality of the relationship between employees and their managers positively influences employees’ commitment to change. Further, it investigates whether this relationship varies as a function of a person's core self-evaluations, that is, the valence of a person's self-regard. Evidence from a multivariate regression analysis in a public sector organization at the local level in the UK revealed that individuals who have high-quality relationships with their managers are more likely to be accepting of change; this is especially true for individuals with lower levels of core self-evaluations. Implications for theory and practice are discussed. 相似文献
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In the course of an exhumation performed 5.5 years after death, several bone fragments were uncovered during the excavation of the clay-rich soil. Amongst others, there was a large piece of the frontal neurocranium. In addition, a so-called coffin stain was discernible. The exhumed coffin was intact. The forensic autopsy revealed a complete corpse with distinct adipocere formation. Consultation with the cemetery administration allowed the conclusion that the additional bone fragments were from the first use of the grave approximately 100 years ago. The heavily soil-encrusted skull fragment bore clear signs of a half sharp force, that could immediately be classified as postmortem. The pattern of injury pointed to an excavator as the cause. However, the question arose whether the postmortem trauma occurred 5.5 years ago during the excavation of the grave or during the current exhumation. First the skull fragment was dried. However, it was then impossible to remove the clay-rich soil without damaging the bone. The fragment was therefore carefully washed and dried again. The cut and fracture areas then showed distinctly lighter surfaces than the rest of the bone, which pointed to the exhumation as the time of origin. For comparison, fresh injuries were inflicted with a hatchet. These distinctly showed even lighter surfaces, so that the time of origin could be assumed to have been during the excavation of the grave 5.5 years ago. 相似文献
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Data from Swedish court judgments of all 124 women convicted of homicide during 20 years was analyzed. The typical pattern was an abused woman who kills her intimate partner at home with a knife, often with alcohol involved. A subsample (n = 66) was analyzed qualitatively, with a focus on intimate partner relationships. The findings indicate that female homicides usually take place after a long progression of violence and reflect women’s subordinate gendered position. Situational triggers finally lead up to the killing event. Gender equality and the so-called woman-friendly welfare state in Sweden do not appear to reduce women’s volatility in violent relationships. 相似文献
38.
In many countries in Latin America and also western Europe, leftist parties have succeeded in winning repeated re-election even though they have implemented neoliberal economic policies when in government. According to the existing literature, these parties should suffer electoral punishment since they are diverging from their traditional policy course and their electoral promises, and their neoliberal policies are potentially costly for their core support groups. Analysing the cases of left-of-centre parties in Spain and Costa Rica, this article argues that policy implementation strategies, together with strategic use of institutional rules, help to obfuscate the policies' impact, deflect blame, and make re-election possible. The reform of welfare and the way we live now: a critique of Giddens and the Third Way 相似文献
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