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The article deals with the development of International Relations in Germany. Following a brief history of German IR, the authors focus on its development since the 1990s. For this period, German IR has been a success story with respect to professionalisation, institutionalisation and internationalisation. Furthermore, with the Global Governance concept, German IR has even established a thematic umbrella to further its integration and identity. Still, the authors caution against complacency as the success story of German IR has the in-built potential to eradicate its very own foundations.  相似文献   
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The research aims at explaining the development of political attitudes between youth and midlife by biographical experiences. The sample is a cohort of 1596 former German high school students. The social origin and the political socialization of this cohort has been surveyed at age 16, and the life history as well as political attitudes at age 30 and 43; because of its educational privilege the cohort could extend its youth until age 30. As for political attitudes which may typically change between youth and midlife, value claims and their counter-part, the acknowledgement of societal constraints, are examined. The aim of the research is attained through three steps. First, it is examined if biographical experiences up to age 30 determine value claims, over and above the starting conditions of the “formative years”. As expected, occupational experiences lower value-claims, even if social origin and political socialization are controlled for. Second, it is examined if value-claims shrink between age 30 and 43 and the acknowledgement of societal constraints grows — which is confirmed. Third, it is examined, if at age 43 value claims are determined by occupational experiences between age 30 and 43 even when value-claims at age 30 are controlled for — which again is confirmed. The conclusion is that political attitudes after the “formative experiences”, in spite of their high stability, are still determined by occupational experiences.  相似文献   
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The criminal careers of all arsonists convicted in former West-Germany between 1983 and 1985 who were found not to be responsible due to diminished responsibility for psychiatric reasons and a random sample (every third) of all criminally liable arsonists during the same period of time were followed up until 1994 by means of their trial records. Reappearance before the court for arson did not differ between the groups. When subjects are grouped by the additional occurrence of crimes other than arson, however, arsonists with diminished responsibility are the most problematic group: In comparison with all other subgroups, the arsonists who were partly responsible who did not commit any crimes other than arson showed the highest number of fire-setting incidents. Among the arsonists who committed other crimes as well, arsonists with diminished responsibility had the highest number of additional offences.  相似文献   
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In a nutshell, price cap regulation is meant to establish a quid pro quo: regulators are obliged by law to intervene only at rare, previously defined points in time, and only by imposing an upper bound on prices; firms are meant to justify regulatory restraint by adopting socially beneficial innovations. In the policy debate, a potential downside of the arrangement has featured less prominently: the economic environment is unlikely to be stable while the cap is in place. If regulators take this into account, they have to decide under uncertainty and also anticipate how regulated firms will react. In a lab experiment, we manipulate the degree of regulatory uncertainty. We compare a baseline when regulators have the same information as firms about demand with treatments wherein they receive only a noisy signal and another when they know only the distribution from which demand realizations are taken. In the face of uncertainty, regulators impose overly generous price caps, which firms exploit. In the experiment, the social damage is severe, and does not disappear with experience.  相似文献   
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