The use of scanning electron microscopy in the examination of seminal stains

Samples of human seminal stains on fabrics, paper and wood were observed with a scanning electron microscope (S.E.M). It seems a reliable, rapid and simple technique for the routine examination of seminal stains.     

Youth in post-communist Hungary

Peter Agócs is co-author with Sándor Agócs of a series of studies on the fate and fortune of various social segments of post-communist Hungary.     

Examining Ethnic Identity and Self-Esteem Among Biracial and Monoracial Adolescents

The psychological well-being and ethnic identity of biracial adolescents are largely underrepresented topics in current scholarly literature, despite the growing population of biracial and multiracial individuals in the United States. This study examined self-esteem, ethnic identity, and the relationship between these constructs among biracial and monoracial adolescents (n = 3282). Using analysis of covariance, significant differences emerged between biracial and monoracial adolescents on both a measure of self-esteem and a measure of ethnic identity. Specifically, biracial adolescents showed significantly higher levels of self-esteem than their Asian counterparts, but significantly lower self-esteem than Black adolescents. Furthermore, biracial adolescents scored significantly higher than Whites on a measure of ethnic identity, but scored lower than their Black, Asian, and Latino peers on the same measure. Finally, correlational analyses revealed a significant and positive relationship between ethnic identity and self-esteem for all groups.     

Limits to power: a study of the influence of mayors and caos on municipal budgets in Ontario, 1977–1990

Abstract: The degree to which leaders can influence organizational outcomes has long been a matter of controversy in the theoretical and empirical literature. This issue is especially complex in government organizations where both political and administrative leaders can influence policy and its implementation. The power of administrators may potentially exceed that of their political “masters,” particularly in municipal government in Canada where the typical structure combines a weak mayor, non-partisan elections and a chief administrative officer (cao). Annual data on municipal budget allocations, turnover of mayors and caos in forty-nine Ontario municipalities were examined over a fourteen-year period in order to assess the relative impact of changes in these two leadership positions on variations in expenditures for six categories of services, as well as two income variables. Our methodology replicated and expanded on the analysis of variance approach used by Salanick and Pfeffer (1977) in a study of the influence of mayors on municipal budgets in the United States, and by Lieberson and OConnor (1972) who studied the impact of presidents and board chairs on financial indicators in 167 US. manufacturing corporations. Our analysis, like these two previous studies, shows that leadership turnover has an insignificant influence on variation in municipal income and budget allocations, while the decision-making environment - the city itself and the year - accounts for most of the variation. Although neither mayors nor caos have a significant influence on municipal budget allocations in Ontario, the results suggest that the power of caos is somewhat greater than that of mayors. Our concluding discussion explores implications of this limited study for debates about the power of leaders in organizations, and about the relative influence of politicians and administrators in local government in Canada. Sommaire: II y a longtemps que règne la controverse, dans la littérature théorique et empirique, pour savoir dans quelle mesure les leaders peuvent influer sur les résultats d'une organisation. Cette question est particulièrement complexe dans les organismes gouvernementaux, où des leaders tant politiques qu'administratifs peuvent influencer les politiques et leur mise en oeuvre. Le pouvoir des administrateurs risque de dépasser celui de leurs maîtres politiques, particulièrement au niveau des gouvemements municipaux au Canada, dont la structure type combine un maire faible, des élections non partisanes et un directeur administratif (DG) à la tête de l'administration. On a examiné sur une période de 14 ans les données annuelles sur les allocations budgétaires municipales et le roulement des maires et des DG de 49 municipalités ontariennes; notre but était d'evaluer l'impact relatif qu'avaient les changements survenus dans ces deux postes de direction sur la variation des dépenses dam six catégories de services, ainsi que sur deux variables de revenu. Notre méthodologie a repris et élargi l'analyse de variance utilisée par Salanick et l'feffer (1977) dans une étude concernant l'infiuence des maires sur les budgets municipaux aux États-Unis, et par Lieberson et O'Connor (19721, qui ont étudié l'effet qu'avaient les présidents et les présidents des conseils d'administration sur les indices financiers de 167 sociétés manufacturières américaines. Comme ces deux études précédentes, notre analyse indique que le changement de chefs n'a pas d'effet significatif sur ia variation du revenu et des allocations budgétaires municipales, tandis que le contexte décisionnel (c'est-à-dire la ville elle-même et l'année en cause) est à l'origine de la plus grande partie des variations. Bien que ni les maires, ni les DG n'aient une influence significative sur les allocations budgétnires, les résultats suggèrent que le pouvoir des DG est quelque peu supérieur à celui des maires. La conclusion explore les conséquences de cette étude séctorielle sur le débat concernant le pouvoir des leaders dans les organisations et concernant l'influence relative des politiciens et des administrateurs au niveau des gouvernements locaux au Canada.     

Media in the Western Balkans: who controls the past controls the future

ABSTRACT

The contribution assesses the role of the media in respect to democratization and EU accession in the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) and the development of press freedom over the long run. The author closely analyses the legislative framework and its implementation in practice and focuses in particular on the economic and political pressure on the media in the region. The article offers three arguments to explain the bad shape of media freedom in the Balkans: structural factors (state advertisements as the main source of income, economic tycoons close to incumbents as media owners), proximate or external factors (the deteriorating level of media freedom in some EU countries and the whole WB region, with an accent on stability rather than democracy) and political-societal dynamics (defamation and libel as means to punish journalists, verbal and physical assaults on journalists). The media in the WB region do not serve as the watchdog of democracy but are instead used as a means to reinforce illiberal regimes.