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G. FREDERICK ALLEN Ph.D. 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(1-2):77-86
Visits to three prisons in China revealed that the Chinese penal system, although conceived within a Marxist context, is humanistic, naturalistic, and practical in emphasis. Considering the cultural differences between Orient and Occident, specifically the Chinese respect for power and authority and their belief that the State and its officials serve as guardians of socialist ideology, the author discusses some implications for the West. It concludes that we may have to perceive rehabilitation in more realistic terms. Instead of abandoning rehabilitation, we can learn from the Chinese and translate the concept into providing assistance to offenders that is compatible with the external environment. 相似文献
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The late Governor gave this address at a joint meeting withthe Royal Empire Society on the 28th January, when Lord Haileywas in the chair, in place of Lord Swinton, who was preventedfrom presiding. 相似文献
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In anticipation of an early General Election, speakers fromthe three main parties were asked to give their views on Africanadministration at combined meetings of the Royal African andRoyal Empire Societies. The invitation was accepted by LordRennell, who spoke for Liberal opinion on the 28th March, andby Mr. Creech Jones, M.P.,for Labour on the 25th April. ColonelPonsonby, M.P., concluded the survey for the Conservatives onthe 30th May. 相似文献
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Over time, gender and politics research has made progress in identifying those factors that result in low numbers of women in political institutions and in making evidence-informed suggestions about how to ameliorate them. These factors include discrimination in party recruitment processes, male-dominated political culture and broader gender inequalities in society. In contrast, little is known about public opinion regarding these drivers of women's political under-representation, especially whether to who or what women assign blame for the under-representation of women in politics differs from men. This article provides the first discussion and analysis of blame assignment for women's numeric under-representation in politics. In doing so, it outlines and operationalises a framework that distinguishes between meritocratic explanations of women's under-representation, whereby the blame for women not holding political office in greater numbers is assigned to women themselves, and structural explanations, whereby social forces external to women are seen to result in their numeric under-representation. Cross-national data from 27 European countries is used to show that women are significantly more likely than men to assign blame for women's numeric under-representation to structural factors. The hierarchical nature of the dataset is exploited using multilevel models and significant differences in levels of structural blame assignment between countries is found as well as between-country variation in the probability of women assigning blame to structural explanations for women's under-representation. Finally, the category of structural explanations is disaggregated in order to assess their relative prominence and to provide strong corroborative evidence that women predominantly assign blame for women's under-representation to political culture over other structural blame factors. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the study's findings for policy makers contemplating the pursuit of gender equality policies aimed at increasing women's political representation and makes suggestions for the direction of future research in this area. 相似文献
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JOB D. SPRINGER AARON K. LUSBY JOHN C. LEATHERMAN ALLEN M. FEATHERSTONE 《Public Budgeting & Finance》2009,29(2):48-70
Cross-sectional time series data in a partial adjustment model are used to examine county government fiscal behavior under a "hard" tax and expenditure limitation policy, an aggregate property tax levy limit, versus a "soft" limit under Truth in Taxation in Kansas. Results indicate that under the aggregate levy limit, per capita property taxes, own-source revenues and own-source expenditures were significantly higher than under the Truth in Taxation policy where local officials face many fewer restrictions on their ability to raise the levy. 相似文献
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