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Literature on the status of the Armenian population during the State of Israel's first decade is virtually nil; a scholarly investigation regarding why Armenians were not drafted into the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), when other small, non-Arab and/or non-Muslim minorities were, has not yet been written. While recognizing the paucity of available documentation, this article will seek to address both of these issues/questions in light of what sources are publicly available as well as in light of the author's own previous research into minority recruitment policies in post-independence Israel. This article will argue that while the Armenians appeared to fit nearly all of the IDF’s criteria for minority recruitment, an Armenian presence in the army ultimately would have provided few tangible advantages to the state from both a domestic and regional perspective. However, due to their non-Arab and non-Muslim identity, the Armenian population was treated as a ‘special minority’ and possessed certain unique privileges denied to other minorities in Israel. This was particularly noticeable in Haifa. However, in other ways, Armenians were treated by state authorities in a very similar manner to the far larger and more distrusted Arab population.  相似文献   
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Laura Romeyn 《耶鲁评论》2017,105(3):120-120
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Xenotransplantation - the transfer of living tissue between species - has long been heralded as a potential solution to the severe organ shortage crisis experienced by the United Kingdom and other 'developed' nations. However, the significant risks which accompany this biotechnology led the United Kingdom to adopt a cautious approach to its regulation, with the establishment of a non-departmental public body - UKXIRA - to oversee the development of this technology on a national basis. In December 2006 UKXIRA was quietly disbanded and replaced with revised guidance, which entrusts the regulation of xenotransplantation largely to research ethics committees. In this article we seek to problematize this new regulatory framework, arguing that specialist expertise and national oversight are necessary components of an adequate regulatory framework for a biotechnology which poses new orders of risk, challenges the adequacy of traditional understandings of autonomy and consent, and raises significant animal welfare concerns. We argue for a more considered and holistic approach, based on adequate consultation, to regulating biotechnological developments in the United Kingdom.  相似文献   
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Although an individualistic conception of violence dominates in the U.S., academics are beginning to pay attention to more systemic forms of violence. Systemic violence is difficult to see, however, as it often becomes normalized. This type of violence is not necessarily intentional, but nonetheless has a detrimental affect. The impact of systemic violence may be emotional as well as physical. This work examines three types of school searches as forms of violence against students. Use of metal detectors, drug tests, and strip searches are connected to the literature on systemic violence. The article demonstrates that, in addition to being ineffective means of preventing and addressing school violence and student drug use, these measures harm students, teachers, and society at large. Alternatives to these punitive approaches, framed by peacemaking and humanistic perspectives, are presented.  相似文献   
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