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241.
This article is based on interviews carried out in 1991 with 122 school pupils between the ages of 15 and 18 from a Catholic working-class area characterised by high, long-term unemployment located in Belfast. It includes further research carried out in 1998. The article focuses on three main aspects of young people's lives: their intended career aspirations, their involvement in term-time employment while at school and their participation in paid work within the household. The article suggests that the transition from school to work plays a crucial role in the reproduction of gender relations. The article demonstrates the ways in which young people at times accept and at other times challenge taken-for-granted assumptions regarding traditional gender stereotypes. 相似文献
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Leonard Weinberg 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(1):221-238
Right‐wing violence in Italy has displayed characteristics that set it apart from the violent operations of rightist groups active in the other Western democracies. In the Italian case the violence has been protracted, stretching from the immediate postwar period to our own time. For the most part, it has been aimed at Communists and other leftists rather than racial or ethnic minorities. And it has appeared in a variety of forms, ranging from street‐corner brawling to terrorist bombing campaigns to schemes designed to achieve a coup d'état. In addition to offering a detailed account of neo‐Fascist violence in Italy over the past four decades, this study places the phenomenon in the general context of Italian politics and seeks to explain the violence by reference to the Cold War‐based objectives of various anti‐communist organizations. 相似文献
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Juries, criminologists, prosecutors, law enforcement officials, and the lay public like to know the motive for a murder—especially when there are unusual features such as multiple victims, extensive injuries, or unexplainable acts to the bodies. However, many times the motive is not readily available from the murderer because he does not confess or he does not consciously know why he killed. The following case describes the analysis of multiple motives in a triple spree homicide committed in a very short time frame. Robbery was the primary motive for the first victim and sexual homicide was the motive for the second and third victims. 相似文献
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Due to a strong “Can Do” spirit and a well-engrained, albeit simplistic, notion of civilian control over the military, senior military leaders are disinclined to publicly share their disagreement with emerging national security policy. Many senior officers mistakenly believe that there are no alternatives other than just silently executing, resigning, or retiring when confronted with bad policy formulation. There are, however, options available to senior uniformed leaders when confronted with policy formulation that they, in their professional opinion, believe is flawed. Depending on the degree to which the civilian authorities are receptive to military advice and the magnitude of the threat to national security involved in the policy, senior military leaders can choose among many alternatives to widen the policy debate. 相似文献
249.
In this article, we describe a method we have used successfully in both academic and professional settings to rapidly introduce novice negotiators to the principles and practice of interest‐based negotiation: “the walk in the woods.” The walk incorporates much of the principles of interest‐based negotiation: fostering self‐awareness, cultivating curiosity, and understanding the importance of world view. The walk's effectiveness is illustrated in this article using the case of the merger of two large, complex health‐care organizations. 相似文献
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Sexual psychopathy, public policy, and the liberal state 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Kaplan LV 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2008,31(2):172-188
This article addresses several interrelated issues. It strives to situate a class of offenders within the liberal state. The disposition of this class allows an analysis of the tensions in liberal theory. It highlights the ways liberalism attributes individual responsibility for criminal behavior and captures the limits of those attributions. It also reveals liberalism's shift away from models of responsibility toward the social control of deviancy. The disposition of this class points toward the therapeutic mask involved in the social control model. Further, the disposition of this class may well serve as a model for isolating and demonizing other disfavored classes, including political dissenters. 相似文献