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Belgium has one of the most fragmented party systems of any modern democracy. This article asks the following questions: is party fragmentation linked to the importance of the ethno-regionalist vote or to the rules of the electoral system? Has party fragmentation also produced centrifugal or polarised multipartyism (between the regions, but also within Flanders, given the spectacular rise of the Vlaams Blok)? What explains the difference in party fragmentation between Flanders and Wallonia? What are the dimensions of party competition in each community and what are the socio-demographic and attitudinal characteristics of the different electorates? Which steps have the political elites taken to cope with the increasing fragmentation of the party landscape and growing voter volatility? To what extent has the increasing divergence between the regional party systems led to the building of asymmetrical coalitions at the federal and regional levels of government? The splitting of the Belgian party system into two, albeit still fragmented, party systems has further complicated the problems of coordination within a polarised, multi-cleavage and multilevel system that seriously undermines the stability of the entire political system. 相似文献
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Growing research has analyzed quantitative patterns of bail decisions and outcomes, but we know far less about how court officials justify their bail decisions. To enhance understanding of how bail decisions—and their resulting pretrial outcomes—are generated, we interviewed 104 judges, prosecutors, and public defenders in a northeastern state. Court officials in our study reported three primary justifications at bail: ensuring defendants return to court, preventing crime, and lessening harm. The first two justifications have been suggested in the literature, but the latter is novel and encompasses two secondary justifications: lessening criminal legal system harm and lessening societal harm. We show how these justifications and the decisions they enable blend risk management with rehabilitation and emerge from court officials’ shared assumption of defendants’ social marginality but varied beliefs about what to do about such marginality pretrial. Each justification allows for distinct, but at times overlapping, bail decisions. We discuss the implications of our findings for theories of court official decision-making, research on racial and socioeconomic inequality, and bail reform policy. 相似文献
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Ivor Lucas 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):418-425
A brief account of the events leading up to the fall of the Shah, followed by an examination of how those events were seen and evaluated by the British government, especially the Foreign Office department concerned, of which Ivor Lucas was the head. Against this background he also provides an assessment of how far the British Government had realistic alternative policy options. 相似文献
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Lucas Mesquita 《Journal of Civil Society》2018,14(3):222-240
The article questions if the participation of civil society actors in foreign policy making would lead to the democratization of foreign policy processes. The analysis is based on the comparison of three foreign policy participatory initiatives – the Civil Society Consultative Council, the Social and Participative Mercosur Programme and the Dialogue and Consultation System – which currently take place in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, respectively. The hypothesis to be tested is that participatory institutions modify representation in foreign policy by breaking with the monopoly of the diplomatic bureaucracy in foreign policy making on regional integration. For that, we develop a comprehensive model based on social participation indicators and assess the specifics of each participatory initiative by mobilizing documental sources and conducting face-to-face interviews with key actors for each initiative. We ultimately find that the democratic nature is rather correlated with the institutional design adopted by the participatory initiative under scrutiny. 相似文献
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Hellen P. Gross Julia Thaler Vera Winter 《International Public Management Journal》2019,22(1):176-206
Public service motivation (PSM) is a focal construct in public management research, and while sound evidence exists that PSM is positively associated with several desired outcomes, knowledge on the underlying mechanisms which explain these associations and on potential negative consequences of PSM remains limited. Addressing these research gaps, this study investigates how PSM relates to relational job resources, work engagement, and outcomes. We thereby account for both direct and moderating effects of PSM and consider positive (employee performance) and negative outcomes (sickness absenteeism and presenteeism). We empirically test our model in the German public sector and find that the PSM dimensions relate differently to the assessed outcomes, providing varying support for our hypotheses. In particular, commitment to public value and compassion seem to drive the positive effect of PSM on employee performance, whereas self-sacrifice and client orientation are linked to reduced absenteeism, and only compassion is associated with increased presenteeism. 相似文献
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Distributive Politics in Developing Federal Democracies: Compensating Governors for Their Territorial Support
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Using original data from the period 1999–2011 on federal infrastructure investment for all subnational units in two federations, Argentina and Brazil, and a unitary nation, Colombia, this study shows that in developing federal countries with strong governors, presidents use nonearmarked transfers as a tool to compensate governors for sizable and secure territorial political support. The study argues that in these cases, resources do not make electoral power but chase it. In the unitary case, conversely, governors do not influence distributive politics. Variation also was found in the relevance of Congress, legislative overrepresentation, and programmatic criteria across cases. The article discusses possible reasons for these results and their implications for the comparative debate on distributive politics. 相似文献