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Can states become committed and competent agents of cosmopolitan justice? The theory of ‘statist cosmopolitanism’ argues that they can: their citizens can be turned towards a commitment to cosmopolitan principles and actions by moral entrepreneurs constituting a ‘cosmopolitan avant-garde’, and can be sustained in their commitment to those principles by their pre-existing attachment to the state as a political community. Taking cosmopolitan principles as axiomatic, this paper subjects statist cosmopolitanism to critique. First, I question the scale of the transformation that a cosmopolitan avant-garde can engender given the complexity of the causal chains the avant-garde seek to elucidate, as well as the countervailing potency of the state itself which reinforces particularistic attitudes in its citizens. Second, I argue that even if, contra my preceding argument, the cosmopolitan avant-garde were to be successful, states would find it desirable to federally integrate in order to be better able to realise their cosmopolitan commitments. Such integration is compatible with statist cosmopolitanism’s motivational theory, even if not its institutional vision. Finally, I re-characterise the cosmopolitan avant-garde as agitators for the transcendence, rather than just transformation, of the state system.  相似文献   
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The definition of peace and its quantification has challenged many researchers. The extant literature defines and measures peace in contradistinction to violence, thereby making the measure an indirect one. There is scope for the alternative of a direct measure of peace in the form of a Peace Perception Index (PPI) as revealed here. We use household-level survey data from Guadalcanal Province in the Solomon Islands to compute the PPI. Our analysis shows that the once conflict-affected communities on Guadalcanal have attained a PPI of 88 per cent of the level of peace prior to the conflict. That is, the perception of the level of peace in the sampled community has improved to 88 per cent since the installation of a peacekeeping mission a decade back. We argue that recognising the people’s perceptions, rather than the use of the absolute minimalist or maximalist notion of peace provides nuances on the levels of peace reached in a post-conflict situation.  相似文献   
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This paper considers whether the Human Rights Act 1998 is, in itself, capable of materially improving the lives of those who experience social exclusion – or whether it is likely to exacerbate their difficulties. It draws on the relevant post-2000 research concerning the Act's impact on socially excluded groups which suggests that the response of the statutory agencies has been disappointing – that 'not being proactive' has proved to be the most attractive option. It then addresses the incongruity between the government's strategies for combating social exclusion and civil justice.  相似文献   
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This paper asks if globalization is simply the latest reticulation of the regional, class, and cultural struggles embedded at the core of worldwide capitalist exchange. As practices of transnational businesses, national state authorities, and regional growth coalitions turn to globalization rhetorics to promote on-going commercial expansion, new networks of local activists, international migrants, and progressive intellectuals are developing their own anti-global rhetorics and practices to defend themselves, their localities, and the environment. This paper investigates how these conflicts arise, in part, out of the modes of organization at work in the world economy. That is, professional-technical experts with vested interests in the corporate groups or state offices that now organize most forms of production and consumption find their expert authority contested by popular resistances. These essentially populist movements seek to defend the discretion of ordinary people against trained expertise in choosing how localities and individuals attain valued goals, like economic equality, democratic participation, environmental balance, or cultural integrity.  相似文献   
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