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71.
The viability of local government‐sponsored community development of poor ethnic enclaves hinges on the perceptions of residents. If residents view the enclave in which they live as their “community of choice,” they will be more likely to join with local government to coproduce community improvement. Residents who see their enclave as their community of choice tend to hold positive perceptions of neighbors and neighborhood and are less fearful of crime. Conversely, those who see the enclave where they live as a “ghetto of last resort” commonly are not meeting their economic expectations, are uneasy about race related issues, and are concerned about the desirability of their neighborhood. Government should not employ a community development strategy to preserve a “ghetto of last resort” where most residents remain because they feel they have few options. The vast majority of the residents examined here view the enclave where they live as their community of choice. 相似文献
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MARK GODFREY 《今日中国(英文版)》2007,56(2):63-64
The dynamo behind the Little Bar in Chengdu talks about expansion plans, Cui Jian and making independent rock records in China's southwest. 相似文献
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Innovation and innovators inhabit an institutional space, which is partially defined by formal positions and partially by informal networks. This article investigates the role of politicians and bureaucrats in fostering innovation inside government and provides an empirical explanation of who the innovators are, whether this is mostly an attribute of position or role, or mostly an effect of certain forms of networking. The study uses original data collected from 11 municipal governments in Australia in order to define and describe the normative underpinnings of innovation inside government and to show the importance of advice and strategic information networks among politicians and senior bureaucrats (n = 947). Social network analysis is combined with conventional statistical analysis in order to demonstrate the comparative importance of networks in explaining who innovates. 相似文献
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MARK GODFREY 《今日中国(英文版)》2007,56(1):68-69
MEN want to take us home,” says Han Tian. “They also like our mu- sic.” Being a gay icon is an unlikely privilege of playing bass in heavy metal combo AK47, whose sound has been compared to Rage Against the Machine and Metallica. But seeming alternative seems good enough for some. And in their leather jackets, torn T-shirts and assortment of jewelry,AK47 looks alternative in China. poster boys maybe, but just don’t call them punks. “There’s no power in punk,” says Han. Yet they m… 相似文献
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MARK GODFREY 《今日中国(英文版)》2007,56(8):46-47
Tag Teams boss Matt Kagler rather exports Chinese bands to the US IF,as visits by Brian Eno and Sonic Youth to the citywould suggest,Beijing has a real scene now,why isn'tTag Team Records signing more bands?"Because 相似文献
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In this article we evaluate whether the Supreme Court's much-discussed decision in Chevron v Natural Resources Defense Council (1984) signaled a lasting difference in how the justices decide administrative law cases, by comparing and testing the predictions of three distinct theories of Supreme Court behavior. The legal model predicts an increase in deference to administrative agencies. This prediction is shared by the jurisprudential regime model, which also predicts that the justices evaluate key case factors differently before and after Chevron . The attitudinal model predicts no change in the justices' behavior as a result of Chevron . Although we find that attitudes matter, the fact that we also find support for the legal and jurisprudential regime models undermines the assertion of the attitudinal model that law cannot explain Supreme Court votes on the merits. 相似文献
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