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421.
Remedies for Expanding Liability 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
422.
KEVIN M. BEAVER MATT DELISI MICHAEL G. VAUGHN JOHN PAUL WRIGHT BRIAN B. BOUTWELL 《犯罪学》2008,46(4):939-970
Converging lines of research suggest that self‐control and language may be inextricably linked. No empirical research has ever examined this proposition, however. We address this gap in the literature by analyzing a sample of twin pairs from a nationally representative data set of children. The results revealed three broad findings. First, diminished language skills were predictive of low self‐control both cross‐sectionally and longitudinally. Second, the covariation between language and self‐control was linked to both genetic and environmental factors. Third, after controlling for genetic influences on self‐control, language skills were predictive of variation in individual levels of self‐control. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献
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MICHAEL Z 《今日中国(英文版)》2021,70(6):46-47
ON April 12,a new batch of 500,000 doses of COVID-19 vaccine developed by Chinese phar-maceutical company Sinovac arrived in Bogotá,the capital city of Colombia.On March 20,fol-lowing the arrival of a prior batch of vaccines,Chinese President Xi Jinping addressed the Colombian people in a video message,which is taken as a special gesture.In a conversation with China Today,Colombian Ambassador to China Luis Diego Monsalve reflected upon this ges-ture,and also emphasized Colombia's objective to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).He expects that Presi-dent Iván Duque will be able to visit China in November. 相似文献
426.
LINDA BOS CHRISTIAN SCHEMER NICOLETA CORBU MICHAEL HAMELEERS IOANNIS ANDREADIS ANNE SCHULZ DESIRÉE SCHMUCK CARSTEN REINEMANN NAYLA FAWZI 《European Journal of Political Research》2020,59(1):3-24
This article investigates the impact of populist messages on issue agreement and readiness for action in 15 countries (N = 7,286). Specifically, populist communicators rely on persuasive strategies by which social group cues become more salient and affect people's judgment of and political engagement with political issues. This strategy is called ‘populist identity framing’ because the ordinary people as the in-group is portrayed as being threatened by various out-groups. By blaming political elites for societal or economic problems harming ordinary people, populist communicators engage in anti-elitist identity framing. Another strategy is to blame immigrants for social problems – that is, exclusionist identity framing. Finally, right-wing political actors combine both cues and depict an even more threatening situation of the ordinary people as the in-group. Based on social identity theory, an experimental study in 15 European countries shows that most notably the anti-elitist identity frame has the potential to persuade voters. Additionally, relative deprivation makes recipients more susceptible to the mobilising impact of the populist identity frames. 相似文献
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MICHAEL W. FOLEY 《管理》1991,4(4):456-488
Through a study of recent policy change in Mexico, this article shows that even a strong state, implementing a radical reform via purportedly neutral policy changes, inevitably must adapt to a context shaped by previous policy choices and outstanding political imperatives. In this case, the prior organization of commercial export growers in the fresh fruit and vegetable subsector, the strength of an independent peasant movement, and the state's long-term commitment to a rhetoric of development and social welfare significantly qualify the reform effort. In the export sector, Mexican production is largely shaped by the still powerful Confederation of Growers of Fruits and Vegetables. In regard to peasant agriculture, the government has had to make significant concessions to independent peasant organizations in an effort to regain political support. The neoliberal program has thus been qualified and to some extent reshaped by both immediate political considerations and the longer-term institutional and political structures of Mexican society. In this sense, economic forces remain "embedded" in prior social structures and political choices. 相似文献
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This study focuses on “extreme” cases, those in which “have-nots,” usually people with HIV (PWAs), win HIV-related disputes in direct contests with “haves.” Using extensive data gathered in the United States, we searched for a socio-legal explanation of how PWAs have managed to win claims against insurance companies, government agencies, and other institutional plaintiffs. We also looked at judicial preoccupation with PWAs as carriers of contagion. We have observed that PWAs win against haves when: their needs-based claims attract third parties with strategic interests and independent resources; and when litigators cause decision makers to identify with PWAs and employ proven scientific arguments to defeat fear of their clients' contagion. For example, gay activist lawyers devised such an effective strategy by defining PWAs as persons with disabilities and by extending to them the antidiscrimination protections won earlier by disability rights' lawyers. While this approach brought relief in court for some and secured a less onerous identity for PWAs, its importance is diminishing with the shifting epidemiology of HIV in the United States. 相似文献