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791.
Lorraine Hope Nkansah Anakwah Jan Antfolk Sonja P. Brubacher Heather Flowe Fiona Gabbert Ellen Giebels Wangu Kanja Julia Korkman Akira Kyo Makiko Naka Henry Otgaar Martine B. Powell Hedayat Selim Jenny Skrifvars Isaac Kwasi Sorkpah Emmanuel A. Sowatey Linda C. Steele Laura Stevens Nathanael E. J. Sumampouw Paul J. Taylor Javier Trevino-Rangel Tanja van Veldhuizen Jianqin Wang Simon Wells Anonymous 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2022,27(1):1-31
The pursuit of justice increasingly relies on productive interactions between witnesses and investigators from diverse cultural backgrounds during investigative interviews. To date, the role of cultural context has largely been ignored by researchers in the field of investigative interviewing, despite repeated requests from practitioners and policymakers for evidence-based guidance for the conduct of interviews with people from different cultures. Through examining cultural differences in human memory and communication and considering specific contextual challenges for investigative interviewing through the lens of culture, this review and associated commentaries highlight the scope for considering culture and human diversity in research on, and the practice of, investigative interviewing with victims, witnesses, and other sources. Across 11 commentaries, contributors highlight the importance of considering the role of culture in different investigative interviewing practices (e.g., rapport building, questioning techniques) and contexts (e.g., gender-based violence, asylum seeking, child abuse), address common areas of cultural mismatch between interviewer–interviewee expectations, and identify critical future routes for research. We call for an increased focus in the investigative interviewing literature on the nature and needs of our global community and encourage constructive and collaborative discussion between researchers and practitioners from around the world to better identify specific challenges and work together towards evidence-based solutions. 相似文献
792.
Intergenerational continuity of crime among children of organized crime offenders in the Netherlands
van Dijk Meintje Eichelsheim Veroni Kleemans Edward Soudijn Melvin van de Weijer Steve 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2022,77(2):207-227
Crime, Law and Social Change - As existing literature on intergenerational continuity of criminal behavior is mainly based on data on ‘general’ offenders and their children, the current... 相似文献
793.
Crime, Law and Social Change - As many scholars have shown, and other than what is suggested by their legal definition, migrant smuggling and human trafficking are not always easily distinguishable... 相似文献
794.
This article reviews Peter Mair’s argument on the failure of political parties and the subsequent failure of representative democracy in Europe. It develops a conceptual framework to test the validity of Mair’s argument against competing interpretations of the development of representative democracy. It identifies three ideal typical models of representative democracy that seem to have succeeded each other over time: cleavage-based democracy, competitive democracy, and audience democracy. The article proposes specific empirical hypotheses for political parties and voters in each of these periods and provides empirical evidence to test the validity of these hypotheses. It concludes with a discussion of the results, evaluating whether the changes that occurred indicate failure of representative democracy or rather the emergence of a different form of representative democracy. 相似文献
795.
This article asks under which conditions the state‐building efforts of external actors in areas of limited statehood are likely to be effective. We argue that the legitimacy of the specific norms promoted by external actors among local actors is crucial for their success in strengthening state capacities. International efforts need to resonate with prevalent social norms. To substantiate this argument, we focus on the European Union's (EU) anticorruption programs and their implementation in one of the most corrupt regions in the world, the Southern Caucasus. We show that legitimacy can explain why the EU's fight against corruption helped reduce corruption in Georgia but not in Armenia. In both countries, political elites could selectively use anticorruption programs as an instrument against political opponents, using enhanced state capacities to stabilize the incumbent regime. Only in Georgia, however, was the fight against corruption facilitated by sustained domestic mobilization for anticorruption policies that added pressure on political elites “from below.” 相似文献
796.
Between 1865 and 1922 the labour force participation of women at marriage dropped considerably in the Netherlands. At the same time, girls' educational participation increased and egalitarian gender values started to spread. We expect these developments to have affected the occupational status of those women who stayed in the labour market. Using a large dataset of Dutch marriages and municipal-level information on female labour force participation, educational participation, and an indicator of gender values, we show that women's status dropped until around 1885 and then started to rise. The retreat of women from the labour market coincided with a decline in the status of the women who remained, whereas, especially after 1900, the increasing educational participation of girls and the dissemination of egalitarian gender values counteracted this trend by causing women's status to rise. 相似文献
797.
Ruud H.J. Hornsveld Floris W. Kraaimaat Samantha Bouwmeester Machiel A. Polak Almar J. Zwets 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(6):684-704
To gain insight into the behavior of a group of personality-disordered patients and a group of chronically psychotic patients during their stay in a Dutch forensic psychiatric hospital, data on these patients were collected biannually for seven years. Three aspects of the patients’ behavior were examined: the prediction of institutional behavior shortly after admission, changes in the patients’ behavior on the ward during their stay in hospital, and the prediction of these changes. In the personality-disordered patients, observed irritation/anger and aggressive behavior on the ward turned out to be positively related to psychopathy, the PCL-R lifestyle and antisocial facets, and the neuroticism domain. A positive relationship was also found between aggressive behavior on the ward and trait anger. In the chronically psychotic patients, a positive relationship was found between irritation/anger and the PCL-R interpersonal and lifestyle facet. During a stay of three years, the aggressive behavior of both patient subgroups, which was already low at the start, did not decrease further, but their prosocial behavior increased. In the personality-disordered patients, relatively high scores on the antisocial facet of the PCL-R indicated an increase in prosocial behavior, whereas in the chronically psychotic patients no relationship was found between any PCL-R facet and behavior change. Effect studies on treatment programs for forensic psychiatric inpatients have to contend with the problem of a low base rate of institutional aggression. Therefore, we advise that such studies focus not only on a decrease in negative behaviors but also on an increase in positive behaviors. 相似文献
798.
N. Tollenaar A. M. van der Laan P. G. M. van der Heijden 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2014,10(1):29-58
Objectives
To estimate the incapacitation effect and the impact on post-release recidivism of a measure combining prolonged incarceration and rehabilitation, the ISD measure for high frequency offenders (HFOs) was compared to the standard practice of short-term imprisonment.Methods
We applied a quasi-experimental design with observational data to study the effects of ISD. The intervention group consisted of all HFOs released from ISD in the period 2004–2008. Two control groups were derived from the remaining population of HFOs who were released from a standard prison term. To form groups of controls, a combination of multiple imputation (MI) and propensity score matching (PSM) was used including a large number of covariates. In order to measure the incapacitation effect of ISD, the number of convictions and recorded offences in a criminal case of the controls were counted in the same period as their ISD counterfactuals were incarcerated. The impact on recidivism was measured by the prevalence and the frequency of reconvictions corrected for time at risk. Robustness of the results were checked by performing a combined PSM and difference-in-difference (DD) design.Results
The estimate of the incapacitation effect was on average 5.7 criminal cases and 9.2 offences per ISD measure. On average 2.5 convictions and 4 recorded offences per year per HFO are prevented. The HFOs released from ISD showed 12 to 16 % lower recidivism rates than their control HFOs released from prison (Cohen’s h?=?0.3–0.4). The recidivists of the ISD group also showed a lower reconviction frequency than the control group recidivists (Cohen’s d?=?0.2).Conclusions
The ISD measure seems to be effective in reducing recidivism and crime. The estimated incapacitation effect showed that a large portion of criminal cases and offences was prevented. DD analysis and sensitivity analyses confirmed the robustness of the PSM results. Due to the absence of actual treatment data, the effects found cannot be attributed separately to resocialization, imprisonment, or improvement of life circumstances. 相似文献799.
Wilbert van der Zeijden 《European Security》2014,23(1):45-57
Transparency, international credibility, democratic accountability, a new realism in defense expenditures – these basic policy goals fit awkwardly with the current deployment of nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNW) on Dutch territory. Most parties in the Netherlands want the NSNW removed. Some are even willing to challenge the idea that only consensus among all 28 NATO Allies can lead to the removal of the NSNW. The new Dutch minister of foreign affairs for example, Frans Timmermans, has a long track record of calling for an end to the deployment of US nuclear weapons on Dutch territory. Without NATO consent if necessary. His appointment fits with the political shift that we have seen over the past few years in Dutch politics. This article looks at the political rationale behind that shift: who are the main political actors involved? How have domestic and international pressures influenced party positions? The article also looks at the possibilities a new Dutch Government has were it to challenge the NATO consensus on NSNW. Would the USA refuse to take the NSNW away? How would NATO react and what could mitigate Allied concerns? 相似文献
800.
The extant literature on positional power in hierarchies is mainly restricted to the analysis of power in terms of the authority structure. This is based upon the bare positions of actors and ignores the existence of decision-making mechanisms. The few studies, which also take into account decision-making mechanisms, are ‘membership-based’. In an earlier paper we demonstrated that such an approach is, in general, inappropriate. As a solution we suggested an ‘action-based’ approach and developed a power score and measure ascribing positional power to actors in hierarchies. In this paper we axiomatize this power score and measure and illustrate their applicability. 相似文献