Unemployment and crime: the role of apprehension

An increase in the unemployment rate decreases the opportunity cost of crime and increases the crime rate according to standard microeconomics models. However, a large body of empirical research has shown that an increase in unemployment may increase or decrease crime. By incorporating the return to crime into standard economic models, this paper shows that an increase in unemployment, as in recessions, decreases the opportunity cost of crime and the return to crime as well. As a result, the effect of unemployment on crime is ambiguous and depends on the apprehension rate. An increase in the unemployment rate tends to decrease the crime rate at lower apprehension rates, but to increase it at higher apprehension rates. An increase in the generosity of unemployment insurance benefits does not necessarily reduce the crime rate, and the effect of more generous unemployment insurance on crime depends again on the apprehension rate.     

CDU refugee policies and the landesverband oder/neiße: Electoral tool or instrument of integration?

Despite the recognition that the integration of refugees and expellees into west Germany has been one of the success stories of the post‐war period, little light has been shed on the process of political integration of this group into the political system of the nascent Federal Republic. As the ‘newcomers’ were prevented from organising themselves in political or cultural organisations, the only legitimate way of exercising political influence was the way through the licensed parties. The CDU/CSU as a conglomerate of liberal and conservative traditions made use of its historic opportunity to adapt its flexible party apparatus and encourage refugee participation. Thereby, it made an important contribution to the political representation of refugee demands as well as attracting a large proportion of the newcomers’ votes.     

论著作权法定许可的正当性基础

著作权法定许可的正当性基础可分从三个层面进行分析,首先维护著作权多元利益平衡；其次增进言论自由和文化繁荣；最后促进衍生作品创作.其中,著作权多元利益平衡和保护言论自由是著作权限制制度的基本共性.但是,鼓励衍生作品创作,解决现有法律制度框架下衍生作品创作的法律困境是法定许可相比其他限制制度所独有的价值和作用.因此,著作权法定许可的正当性分析包括共性和个性的分析,两者共同构成著作权法定许可正当性的基础.     

我国民办教育收费管理政策研究——基于18个省市的政策文本分析

收集国内18个省市民办教育收费的政策文本进行分析,得出如下结论:在文本形式上,各省市收费政策条款数目呈现显著差异,收费政策文本法规效力位阶相对较低但已呈现"团体决策"模式,"规范"与"鼓励"仍是收费政策的主要基调;在文本内容上,收费自主定价领域与收费标准授权程度不一,各省市明确规范民办学校收费行为但规范的内容和方式有较大差异,部分省市开拓创新积极探索价格监管机制.基于以上分析,民办教育收费政策演进模式将会从急进式转向渐进式,政策改革理念从关注收费标准转向关注收费行为,政策话语体系从政策引导性转向程序操作性.民办教育收费政策顺利推进与实施,政府部门面临前所未有的监管压力,建议尽快出台民办教育成本核算办法,探索多样化的收费办法,用政策引导性经费间接调控民办学校收费行为,引进第三方评估机制建立收费信用档案并向社会公示.     

North Korea and the East Asian Security order: competing views on what South Korea ought to do

This article investigates South Korean views on how to deal with the two major security issues regarding North Korea: its nuclear threat and regime instability. In this Special Section, the article analyzes the ongoing debate in South Korea over the government's policy toward North Korea in regard to these two issues. It argues that uncertainties about these two major issues are shaping the regional order in East Asia. In particular, the different levels of cooperation between South Korea and the United States may affect the regional security order in East Asia. In analyzing policy options available to South Korea, the riskiest option would be to employ early preemptive attacks and accelerate the collapse of North Korea given the security dilemma-driven action?reaction in East Asia. Given that the role of China has become the most crucial factor in dealing with North Korea, the most promising strategy would be to reinforce guarantees of extended nuclear deterrence and prompt a soft-landing unification.     

Executive capacity to control legislatures and presidential choice of cabinet ministers in East Asian democracies

How do presidents in new democracies choose cabinet ministers to accomplish their policy goals? Contrary to existing studies explaining the partisan composition of the cabinet with institutional characteristics, such as formal authority, we argue that the broader political context surrounding the president's ability to control the legislature can affect cabinet partisanship. By analyzing original data on cabinet formation in all presidential systems in East Asia since democratization, we find that when presidents are more likely to be dominant in executive–legislative relations, they have less concern about legislative support and more leeway to focus on policy performance by appointing nonpartisan cabinet members. This analysis suggests that understanding cabinet partisanship requires a view of cabinet appointments as a trade‐off between securing legislative support and managing policy performance, and the scope of this compromise depends on the strength of the president vis‐à‐vis the legislature.