Thomas Gehring  Sebastian Oberthür  Marc Mühleck 《Journal of common market studies》2013,51(5):849-865

This article examines why the European Union (EU) is recognized as a relevant actor in some international institutions, but not in others. Drawing on theories of international institutions and corporate action, it develops a theoretical approach toward EU actorness that demonstrates under which conditions third parties gain an interest in recognizing this actor as a relevant party to international institutions and how the EU can become an actor in its own right. The EU is expected to be recognized as a relevant actor in an international institution if it has acquired action capability in the relevant governance area, while formal status plays an inferior role. This hypothesis is subsequently assessed for six international institutions that vary regarding the degree of EU action capability and the EU's formal status, including the WTO and IMF, FAO and WHO as well as two international environmental regimes. Empirical results confirm the fruitfulness of the theoretical approach.  相似文献   

    

Marc Schwerdt 《Politics & Policy》2003,31(2):195-214

Formal civic education has dominated political socialization research recently as it has looked at the effects of events, schools, mass media, and families on the formation of political attitudes and opinions of children. However, books have been overlooked when considering the possible effect of mass media, and although controversial, children's literature has rarely been investigated systematically as to its political content. After conducting content analyses of 76 books and 1,202 adult characters, I conclude that British adult characters are portrayed as more competent and benevolent than U.S. adult characters. I also find that British public servants are portrayed as more competent and benevolent than other British adult characters.  相似文献   

    

Catherine L. Staples  Marc A. Rubin 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1997,17(1):74-88

This article examines the selection and use of a budget approval technique. Specifically, two research questions are addressed: (1) Does the use of a particular budget approval method by a governmental body impact the execution of the budget? (2) What characteristics of a local government are associated with its decision to use a particular budget approval method? Both research questions are addressed by analyzing data from public school systems in the Commonwealth of Virginia, specifically, whether using categorical budget approval differs in the accuracy of budgeting versus using a lump-sum approval method. Characteristics of Virginia school districts are also analyzed according to whether any of them are likely to be associated with school districts using a particular approval method. The remainder of this article is organized as follows: the next section describes the role of budgeting control in schools; subsequent sections review Virginia school district budgeting practices, develop the empirical model used to test the hypotheses, describe the sample, analyze the results of empirical tests and discuss implications of the findings.  相似文献   

    

Marc Guinjoan 《Regional & Federal Studies》2014,24(1):21-41

Support for decentralization has generally been considered an outcome derived from the existence of regional or subnational identities. A recent complementary explanation has highlighted the role of politics to create regionally orientated support. We combine these two explanations by studying what determines the support for decentralization in Spain, an almost unique case where these two approaches can be tested. Using a hierarchical model, we show that in those regions without a different subnational identity, some citizens develop regionally orientated support because of their wish to bring the administration closer to the citizens and because their preferred party is pushing for further decentralization. In addition, we highlight the importance of considering decentralization as an outcome derived from party dynamics, which are able to shape political attitudes towards decentralization.  相似文献   

    

Marc Sageman 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2014,26(4):614-620

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Marc L. Sprouse B.S.  Nicole R. Phillips Ph.D.  Mark F. Kavlick B.S.  Rhonda K. Roby Ph.D.  M.P.H. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(4):1049-1056

The quantity of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) template added for amplification and subsequent dye terminator reactions is critical for obtaining quality sequence data. Validation of a human mtDNA real‐time quantitative PCR (qPCR) assay demonstrated its high degree of reproducibility and precision as well as an extremely sensitive threshold of detection (0.0001 pg/μL or approximately six human mtDNA copies/μL). A study of 35 nonprobative bone and teeth evidence samples revealed that 20 pg of mtDNA template is recommended for successful HV1 and HV2 sequence analysis; however, as little as 0.013 pg can generate a full mtDNA profile when using enhanced amplification reactions. The assay can also detect PCR inhibition and is useful for identifying samples that may benefit from re‐purification. Overall, the assay is an excellent method to quantify mtDNA and is useful for determining the best analytical approach for successful sequencing.  相似文献   

    

Marc Lyall 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2014,25(4):501-502

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Petar Milojev  Danny Osborne  Lara M. Greaves  Joseph Bulbulia  Marc S. Wilson  Caitlin L. Davies  James H. Liu  Chris G. Sibley 《Social Justice Research》2014,27(2):149-174

Moral Foundations Theory posits five distinct foundations of morality: Harm/Care, Fairness/Reciprocity, In-group/Loyalty, Authority/Respect, and Purity/Sanctity. In combination, this should yield between four-to-six moral signatures—distinct combinations or patterns of support for these aspects of morality. We extend previous research by examining the replicability of these moral signatures in a New Zealand-based national sample (n = 3,635). Latent Profile Analysis identified four distinct moral signatures: Individuators, Moderates, Neutrals, and High Moralists. We integrate these moral signatures within the Dual Process Model (DPM) framework and show that Social Dominance Orientation predicts membership in the Neutral moral signature (moderate/lukewarm support for multiple moral foundations); whereas Right-Wing Authoritarianism predicts membership in the High Moralist signature (undifferentiated high support across moral foundations). These findings were observed controlling for Big-Six personality and various demographics. Thus, the authoritarian and dominance-based motives identified by the DPM independently predict categorical differences in the signatures people use to judge morality.  相似文献   

    

Teri L. Martin M.Sc.  Patricia A. M. Solbeck M.Sc.  Daryl J. Mayers Ph.D.  Robert M. Langille Ph.D.  Yvona Buczek Ph.D.  Marc R. Pelletier Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(5):1238-1250

The operation of a motor vehicle requires the integrity of sensory, motor, and intellectual faculties. Impairment of these faculties following the consumption of alcohol has been studied extensively through laboratory, closed‐course and on‐road driving, and epidemiological studies. The scientific literature was reviewed critically, with a focus on low‐to‐moderate blood alcohol concentrations (BAC ≤ 0.100%), to identify the most reliable determinants of alcohol‐impaired driving. Variables such as age, gender, driving skill, and tolerance were shown to have limited impact on impairment. It was concluded the most relevant variables are BAC and complexity of the driving task. The scientific literature provides a high degree of confidence to support the conclusion that a BAC of 0.050% impairs faculties required in the operation of a motor vehicle. Whether impairment is apparent depends upon the complexity of the driving task, which applies to both study design and actual driving.  相似文献   

    

David Le Blanc  Jean‐Marc Coicaud 《Global Policy》2015,6(1):72-75

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