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91.
No one, young or old, is immune to interpersonal violence (IPV). Female victims come from a variety of circumstances and across
all ages. However, much of the research and services have focused almost exclusively on younger women. This article compares
women 65 and older to women under 65, who utilized domestic violence (DV) services in a mid-western state over a five-year
period. Although there are many similarities in the findings, differences include that older victims were more likely to be
White, report more emotional and less physical abuse, be referred to services by a legal source, have special needs or disabilities,
and receive fewer services, less service hours and fewer contacts than younger victims utilizing DV services. Implications
for research and practice are discussed.
相似文献
Marta LundyEmail: |
92.
Marta Rabikowska 《Communist and Post》2009,42(2):165-179
Twenty years after the fall of communism in Europe, the post-Soviet countries have not achieved a similar stage of democratic development. They have shown to be too diverse and historically too independent to follow one path of consolidation. This volume questions the premises of transitology, homogeneity, and path dependency theories and suggests an insight into the continuities and discontinuities within particular contexts of the given countries (Russia, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Ukraine, Poland and others). The latter quite often collide with each other and with the Western democratic values, thus putting a concept of a harmonious dialogue or a definite democratic solution for Europe into doubt. This volume challenges one-directional analyses of both communism and capitalism and offers an examination of their inner contrasts and contradictions that are a part of transitions to democracy. The irreconcilable differences between the two systems of ideologies determined by universalisms, such as utilitarianism, liberalism, harmony, and productivity, were derived from the post-Enlightenment heritage of the humanist ideals which today cannot be acknowledged without criticism. To grasp the dynamics of the post-Soviet countries that are developing their own democratic models requires looking into their political struggles, social fissures and complexities within their past and present, rather than observing them from the epistemological standpoint. Such a standpoint is criticised in this volume for seeing those countries as locked in one homogenous totalitarian paradigm. The abstractness of the universalist and utopian concept of transition imposed on concrete social relations is criticised, while the theoriticisation of democratic ideals is related to the political legitimisation. 相似文献
93.
Yee‐Fui Ng Ken Coghill Paul Thornton‐Smith Marta Poblet 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2017,76(2):221-236
Australia remains one of the last liberal democracies to retain a property franchise at the local government level. This particular feature is both the result of historical particularities and contemporary political arrangements. This article analyses the property franchise in the City of Melbourne, the capital of the Australian State of Victoria, based on democratic theory and an empirical study. It illustrates the tensions between the democratic principles of representation and political equality in defining structures for representation at the local government level. The authors suggest that a more nuanced interpretation of representation can be adopted at a local level based on territorial residency rather than legal citizenship. Despite this, based on analysis of both electoral and non‐electoral mechanisms, the property franchises are found to be anachronistic and indefensible from a democratic perspective and unrelated to the status of capital city. The article concludes that, at a local level, deliberative democracy holds the promise to better represent various interests, including property interests. 相似文献
94.
Pamela Tozzo M.D. Ph.D. Andrea Gabbin M.D. Caterina Politi M.D. Marta Da Pian Ph.D. Luciana Caenazzo Ph.D. Valerio Causin Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(5):1767-1773
DNA analysis has been widely used in the forensic field in order to contribute to identifying the perpetrator of a crime. Forensic investigation in sexual assaults usually focuses on locating and identifying biological fluids, followed by DNA analysis. The identification of certain compounds present in condoms can be useful to reconstruct the occurred event, especially in cases of sexual assaults where the DNA analysis did not show the presence of a male profile and where RNA analysis did not show the presence of sperm markers. Herein we describe the case of a woman reporting to be victim of sexual assault, who was not able to provide accurate information concerning the dynamics of the event; she remembered only forced penile–vaginal penetration by a single perpetrator. We performed short tandem repeat (STR) analyses and mRNA typing for forensic genetics testing on vaginal and rectal swabs collected on the victim, and Fourier-transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) followed by chromatographic analyses for the detection of condom compounds on the same swabs. The STR analysis showed only the victim’s genetic profile, and RNA analysis showed only the presence of vaginal and skin markers. In this situation, the identification of condom compounds residues on vaginal swabs became important as it complemented other collected evidences allowing the Court to reconstruct the events. A proposal of likelihood ratio (LR) calculation for the assessment of the weight of evidence in this case is described. 相似文献
95.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Although research has shown that school context has consequences for intergroup attitudes, few studies have examined the role of teacher qualities, such as... 相似文献
96.
Marta Trzebiatowska 《Journal of Gender Studies》2019,28(4):475-487
While the percentage of religiously unaffiliated women is growing in the West, little is known about the relationship between atheism and feminism. This article redresses the gap by exploring women’s identification with atheism and feminism. The central argument draws on qualitative interview data from the UK, Australia, the US and Poland and emphasizes the role of atheism as a background identity marker through which female subjectivity is enacted in everyday life. The findings are two-fold: first, atheism and feminism are both devalued identities when embraced by women; and second, identifying as an atheist affords the participants an impetus to invent a new vocabulary to account for their identity. In conclusion, I argue that atheism provides a catalyst for the post-feminist discourse of independence, empowerment and freedom of choice as the participants construct narratives of ‘reasonable feminism’. 相似文献
97.
Marta Mercedes Maffia Bernarda Zubrzycki 《African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal》2014,7(2):177-187
In this work, we will analyze the collective actions of Afro descendants and Africans in Argentina regarding social movements (SMs). That is, we intend to understand the relationships, significations, and orientations toward collective action. Following Alberto Melucci's approach, we should not consider SMs as an ‘empiric unit’ but an ‘analytical category’, through which it may be possible to understand Afro-Argentine collective social action. The SMs are social constructions, and their work should be analyzed as a result, not as a starting point. We consider an SM as instituting, not as instituted, as a form of collective action oriented toward the construction of a new identity. Individuals construct their objectives, make choices, and take action according to the perception of their environments in relation to the social expectations. Therefore, we understand an SM as a network formed by a wide variety of groups and individuals scattered but interconnected, a network submerged in the daily life and from where the collective identity and the links for action are structured. 相似文献
98.
Considerable research shows the economy matters for voters. But that view has come under attack, with revisionists arguing that it matters little. This dissenting view fits the Spanish case well, where reigning research finds virtually no economic voting exists. We argue against the revisionist view, suggesting that conclusion stems largely from methodological limitations in its supporting cross-sectional survey analyses. Given the causality question these analyses raise, particularly in the context of likely endogeneity, a panel analysis is called for. We examine the most recent available panel survey, from the 2000 general election, estimating fully specified multinomial logit models. We find strong economic effects. Spain appears, after all, to have an electorate capable of holding the government economically accountable, at least in this instance. 相似文献
99.
100.
The present work has a two-fold aim: (a) to verify the difference in civic behavior enacted by socially engaged young people in a lasting and structured form, sealed by membership in an organization, on the one hand, and in non-engaged young people, on the other hand; (b) to identify a pattern of characteristics (personal, social, and familial) able to explain civic behavior. Participants, 577 young adults from ages 19 to 29, filled out a self-report questionnaire. The results of the t test for independent samples confirm the presence of the difference between means of scores on the civic behavior. Moreover, data confirm a model in which civic behavior is predicted by personal identity, engagement values, family discussion of current events, the quality of previous membership experiences in socially oriented groups (membership), and finally, in a mediator position, by sense of community. The present study has many implications for researchers and practitioners. 相似文献