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51.
Martin Grossheim 《Intelligence & National Security》2018,33(3):439-458
This paper shows that since the beginning of the reform period in 1986 the regime in Hanoi has taken great pains to create the image of the state having legitimate and, indeed, heroic security organs that acted as the ‘saviors of the Vietnamese revolution’ and still serve as the ‘shield and sword’ of the Vietnamese Communist Party. I argue that while previously the socialist state used to regard the history of its security organs as top secret, over the last few years, a huge amount of resources have been mobilized to actively propagate a sacred and romanticized image of the security apparatus. 相似文献
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Martin Guggenheim 《Family Court Review》2018,56(2):349-350
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The International Monetary Fund: A review of the recent evidence 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
A review of recent quantitative studies on the International Monetary Fund reveals that much of the conventional wisdom is
incorrect. Recent studies have demonstrated a new degree of methodological rigor, have drawn more heavily upon insights from
political science, and have asked a number of new questions. We review studies of participation in IMF programs, design of
IMF conditionality, implementation and enforcement of IMF conditions, conventional program effects and catalytic effects.
At every stage, we find substantial evidence of the influence of major IMF shareholders, of the Fund’s own organizational
imperatives, and of domestic politics within borrowing countries. We conclude that very little is known with certainty about
the effects of IMF lending, but that a great deal has been learned about the mechanics of IMF programs that will have to be
taken into account in order to obtain unbiased estimates of those effects.
相似文献
Randall W. StoneEmail: |
59.
Dr. Martin Brusis 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):92-113
In the present article, I propose to determine reform capacity based upon policy outcomes and the governing performance of executives. Both components shall be measured through expert assessments and quantitative data for the 30 OECD member states in order to construct an index of reform capacity. The concepts underpinning the index are explained and compared with existing approaches of performance and governance measurement. Criteria are developed to assess the strategic capacity of governments and the accountability-generating functions of political actors surrounding the government. The envisaged measurement and aggregation methods are described and the potential of the proposed approach is discussed. 相似文献
60.
Martin Ejnar Hansen 《Scandinavian political studies》2008,31(2):201-216
The dataset of the Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) is one the best known and often used datasets in comparative studies of Western Europe. However, the Danish part of the data is very problematic. On average, nearly a third of the content of the Danish manifestos is deemed impossible to code. A close examination of the Danish data reveals large variations in the number of coded sentences across time and parties. An analysis of the manifestos on which the coding is based sets all the warning lights flashing. First, not all manifestos are in fact manifestos; a number consist of other political texts (i.e. speeches, drafts) or even stem from different elections (e.g. municipal manifestos masquerading as national manifestos). Second, the large variation in the length of the manifestos across time suggests that the information derived from them is not readily comparable. This leads to a distorted picture of the positions of the Danish parties. The conclusion of this article is that in order for the Danish part of the CMP dataset to become more trustworthy, it is necessary to search the archives, find the actual manifestos and recode them. 相似文献