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51.
Matthew Woessner Kathleen H. Winters Kyle C. Kopko 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(2):225-238
Undergraduate public law courses often attract students with competing expectations. Some students enroll in these courses to prepare for law school, while others enroll in the courses to gain a broader understanding of courts in the American system of government. These differing student constituencies can create a dilemma for instructors. A course designed to cater to students with a general interest in the judiciary may not afford prelaw students with an appreciation for the demands of the legal profession. Conversely, a course narrowly tailored toward prelaw students risks alienating the majority of students for whom this class may be their only look at the judiciary. As a means to promote pedagogical balance and to appeal to varied student constituencies, we profile five public law simulations in this article that engage students in active learning and promote a greater understanding of law and courts. 相似文献
52.
Matthew Wills 《欧亚研究》2017,69(8):1334-1335
53.
Matthew Alan Placek 《Democratization》2017,24(4):632-650
Since 1989, many of the former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) have made the dramatic change from communist regimes to democratic nations that are integrated in the European sphere. While these sweeping changes have given rise to a successful transition to democracy unlike any the world has ever seen, there remain issues with governance as well as citizen support for the regime. While other studies have shown that mass media can influence a person's attitudes and opinions in the region, none has explored what effect social media can have on orientations toward democracy in the region. In the following paper, I build several hypotheses based on previous studies of media effects and democratic survival. I then employ survey data to empirically test whether social media increases support for democracy. The study finds that not only does using social media increase support for democracy, but also simple usage rather than information seeking provides more consistent effects on a person's support for democracy in CEE. 相似文献
54.
Matthew E. Carnes S.J. 《拉美政治与社会》2014,56(2):93-114
Labor market dualism—the segmentation of workers between formal, legally protected employment and informal, unprotected status—has long drawn attention from scholars and policymakers in Latin America. This article argues that lasting patterns of economic and political segmentation of workers arose earlier in the region's history than has previously been understood, well before the classic “incorporation” period. Late‐nineteenth‐century practices for the recruitment and retention of workers shaped Latin America's first sets of labor laws, most notably those governing union organization and individual worker job stability. Subsequently, these first laws served as important templates for development, constraining and conditioning the labor codes adopted under mass‐based politics. Using historical data drawn from Chile, Peru, and Argentina, this article shows how differing recruitment practices and variation in the extension of effective suffrage rights and electoral participation shaped early legal labor market segmentation and inequality in Latin America. 相似文献
55.
Application of the Optimized Summed Scored Attributes Method to Sex Estimation in Asian Crania 下载免费PDF全文
The optimized summed scored attributes (OSSA) method was recently introduced and validated for nonmetric ancestry estimation between American Black and White individuals. The method proceeds by scoring, dichotomizing, and subsequently summing ordinal morphoscopic trait scores to maximize between‐group differences. This study tests the applicability of the OSSA method for sex estimation using five cranial traits given the methodological similarities between classifying sex and ancestry. A large sample of documented crania from Japan and Thailand (n = 744 males, 320 females) are used to develop a heuristically selected OSSA sectioning point of ≤1 separating males and females. This sectioning point is validated using a holdout sample of Japanese, Thai, and Filipino (n = 178 males, 82 females) individuals. The results indicate a general correct classification rate of 82% using all five traits, and 81% when excluding the mental eminence. Designating an OSSA score of 2 as indeterminate is recommended. 相似文献
56.
David B. Estell Thomas W. Farmer Matthew J. Irvin Jana H. Thompson Bryan C. Hutchins Erin M. McDonough 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2007,36(4):477-487
The transition to high school has been identified as a potentially difficult time in adolescents’ lives. Reductions in both
academic and social functioning often accompany this transition. While these effects have been documented in urban youth,
the move to high school has not been extensively studied in rural minority youth. Toward that end, the academic grades and
substance use in ninth grade of 447 (184 male and 263 female) African-American adolescents from two rural counties in a state
in the deep South were examined in relation to configurations of adaptation from sixth through eighth grade. Results indicate
that individual with consistently positive patterns across middle school had higher grades and lower rates of substance use
compared to individuals with persistent difficulties or those that transitioned to problem behavior. Many individuals who
improved in their patterns of adaptation had relatively high grades, but also rather high rates of substance use in the ninth
grade.
David B. Estell is an assistant professor of educational psychology at Indiana University Bloomington. He received his PhD
in Developmental Psychology from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His major research interests include peer
relations and the development of aggression.
Thomas W. Farmer is an associate professor of education at Pennsylvania State University and director of the National Research
Center on Rural Education Support. He received his PhD in Special Education from University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
His major research interests include peer relations and the development of aggression in students with and without special
needs.
Matthew J. Irvin is a research scientist at the Center for Developmental Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill. He received his PhD in Educational Psychology from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His major research
interests include resilience and student engagement.
Jana H. Thompson is a research associate at the Center for Developmental Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill. Her research interests include peer social relations and developmental transitions into early adolescence.
Bryan C. Hutchins is a research assistant at the Center for Developmental Science at the University of North Carolina at Chapel
Hill. He is also a graduate student in the Educational Psychology, Measurement, and Evaluation Program at UNC. His research
interests include child and adolescent social development and school based emotional and behavioral interventions and prevention
programs.
Erin M. McDonough is currently a doctoral candidate in School Psychology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.
She received her Bachelor of Arts degree in Psychology from Emory University. As a research assistant at the Center for Developmental
Science, she has been able to explore her interests in student achievement as well as rural education. Another major research
interest of hers is school-based mental health. 相似文献
57.
Matthew R. Cleary 《American journal of political science》2007,51(2):283-299
In this article I test two competing visions about how democracy produces responsive government. Electoral theories of democracy posit that elected governments are responsive to public demands because citizens are able to sanction bad politicians and select good ones. Participatory theories attribute responsiveness to a citizenry's ability to articulate demands and pressure government through a wider range of political action. I test hypotheses derived from these two approaches, using an original dataset that combines electoral, socioeconomic, and public-financial indicators for Mexico's 2,400 municipalities, from 1989 to 2000. The data show that electoral competition has no effect on municipal government performance. But the results are consistent with the hypothesis that nonelectoral participation causes improved performance. Thus, I suggest that the quality of municipal government in Mexico depends on an engaged citizenry and cooperation between political leaders and their constituents, rather than the threat of electoral punishment. I recommend that scholars broaden the study of government responsiveness to account for participatory strategies of political influence and critically assess the claims of those who would promote elections as a cure-all for poor democratic performance. 相似文献
58.
Matthew J. Lebo Adam J. McGlynn Gregory Koger 《American journal of political science》2007,51(3):464-481
Why does the influence of Congressional parties fluctuate over time? Building on prevailing answers, we develop a model, Strategic Party Government, which highlights the electoral motives of legislative parties and the strategic interaction between parties. We test this theory using the entire range of House and Senate party behavior from 1789 to 2000 and find that the strategic behavior of parties complements members' preferences as an explanation for variation in party influence. Specifically, the strongest predictors of one party's voting unity are the unity of the opposing party and the difference between the parties in the preceding year. Moreover, we find strong links between party behavior in Congress and electoral outcomes: an increase in partisan influence on legislative voting has adverse electoral costs, while winning contested votes has electoral benefits. 相似文献
59.
60.
Polito MT 《Journal of law and health》2002,17(1):137-168