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961.
The effectiveness of a number of the explosives contamination prevention controls that are adopted within the Forensic Explosives Laboratory (FEL) principal trace laboratory has been scrutinised. Within the trace laboratory, rigorous procedures for processing forensic swab samples for traces of organic explosives are routinely adopted by forensic scientists. In order to demonstrate the effectiveness of these procedures, and the principle of separating the sample from the laboratory and the forensic scientist, explosives-free swab samples and appropriate controls have been processed, in accordance with trace laboratory procedures, in several explosives contaminated environments. In all cases, no explosives were detected in the post-processing samples, demonstrating that the contamination prevention procedures are effective, robust and fit-for-purpose. 相似文献
962.
Matthew J. Sullivan 《Family Court Review》2004,42(3):576-582
The use of Psychologist Parent Coordinators in child custody cases (called Special Masters in California) is becoming increasingly prevalent across the country. This postdivorce parenting coordination role is a legal/psychological hybrid, demanding knowledge and skill in legal domains (legal procedure, relevant case law, etc.), psychological domains (child development, family systems, etc.), and dispute resolution (mediation and settlement processes). Situated in the interface of legal and psychological paradigms, Parent Coordination may be reviewed by multiple legal and psychological regulatory bodies. Coming from varying perspectives, the practice guidelines and mandates of these legal, ethical, and licensing agencies impose multiple standards of review of Parent Coordination. A brief overview of the legal and psychological review processes applicable to Special Master work in California, as they relate to common issues that confront the Parenting Coordinator across the country, is the focus of this article. They suggest that the current lack of coordination of review processes creates a minefield of professional risk for the psychologist who chooses to practice in this role. 相似文献
963.
Matthew A. Baum 《国际研究季刊》2004,48(2):313-338
This study investigates the differences in coverage of foreign policy by the soft and hard news media, and the implications of such differences for public attitudes regarding the appropriate U.S. role in the world. I find that, relative to traditional news outlets, the soft news media place greater emphasis on dramatic, human-interest themes and episodic frames and less emphasis on knowledgeable information sources or thematic frames, while also having a greater propensity to emphasize the potential for bad outcomes. I then develop a conceptual framework in order to determine the implications of these differences. I argue that the style of coverage of soft news outlets tends to induce suspicion and distrust of a proactive or internationalist approach to U.S. foreign policy, particularly among the least politically attentive segments of the public. I test this and several related hypotheses through multiple statistical investigations into the effects of soft news coverage on attitudes toward isolationism in general, and U.S. policy regarding the Bosnian Civil War in particular. I find that among the least politically attentive members of the public, but not their more-attentive counterparts, soft news exposure—but not exposure to traditional news sources—is indeed associated with greater isolationism in general, and opposition to a proactive U.S. policy toward Bosnia in particular. 相似文献
964.
In the wake of the Enron and Worldcom financial scandals that rocked Wall Street in 2002, the US government’s financial regulatory
body, the Security and Exchange Commission (SEC) took the unprecedented step in June 2002 of requiring that the chief executives
and chief financial officers of America’s 947 biggest companies to swear on oath that their company results and financial
reports were to the best of their knowledge accurate. The one-off order was quickly followed by the passing of the Sarbanes-Oxely
act, which will require many more CEOs and CFOs to certify their company reports and financial statements at regular intervals.
In this paper we apply a simple signalling model to examine whether or not this type of institutional signal of trustworthiness
is always efficient. We find that in the presence of signalling costs, the separating equilibrium can be socially inefficient
as well as causing a general loss of trust.
JEL classificationC72. D81. D82. K22 相似文献
965.
In a patent infringement action against the government, theUnited States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit interpreted28 USC section 1498 as rendering the government liable for theinfringement of a method patent only when every step of theclaimed method is practised in the United States and furtherheld that a plaintiff cannot allege patent infringement againstthe government as a Fifth Amendment taking. 相似文献
966.
967.
Matthew A. Hennigar 《Law & society review》2007,41(1):225-250
Despite the impressive body of scholarship dedicated to analyzing litigation involving the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in the Supreme Court of Canada, there remains an incomplete understanding of why these cases come to the Court. Notably absent from the literature is sustained analysis of why governments, the most frequent class of appellant, bring Charter cases to the Supreme Court. Recent work has addressed the decision to appeal by the U.S. federal government and state attorneys general and provides an excellent theoretical starting point. I use case data collected from interviews with federal government lawyers and law reports to test whether the Canadian federal government's decisions to appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada in Charter cases are also "procedurally rational." I conclude that these decisions are primarily shaped by strategic considerations related to policy costs, case importance, reviewability, and the prospect of winning on appeal, regardless of the party in power. In the process, the article further extends the application of strategic decisionmaking theory with regard to law and courts beyond judicial behavior, and beyond the U.S. context. 相似文献
968.
Matthew Phillips Author Vitae 《Orbis》2007,51(3):429-446
In light of ongoing work to improve nuclear attribution capabilities, policymakers could be tempted to consider a nuclear terrorism deterrence doctrine relying strongly on the ability of those capabilities to support retaliation against states that supply materials used anonymously in an attack. Although the United States must develop the best possible nuclear attribution capabilities, at the very least to support response actions after an attack, prospects for deterrence are uncertain. To accommodate these uncertainties, as well as the wide range of possible nuclear terrorism scenarios, the United States should adopt a broadly scoped operationally ambiguous declaratory policy in the context of a comprehensive strategic doctrine to prevent nuclear terrorism. 相似文献
969.
Matthew T. Witt 《Public administration review》2005,65(5):517-533
This article examines the history of the Capitol Mall from its inception in 1791 to recent legislation prohibiting further development along the Mall's primary axes. This movement to restrict further development of the Mall's massive open spaces derives from concerns that fail to fully articulate the iconographic significance these spaces represent. Drawing from the Mall's 200-year history of master planning, this article examines the Mall's palimpsestic and emergent qualities and presents planning criteria that make it possible to build future commemorative works within the Mall's primary open spaces while retaining the overall integrity of its grandeur. 相似文献
970.
There has been much public debate about whether a referendum on British membership of the European single currency could be won despite opinion polls showing a widening gap between those opposed to membership and those in favour. However, academic research provides little insight into why British attitudes towards the Euro vary at an individual level, and hence what factors might be crucial in a referendum campaign. Existing studies suggest, among other things, that British political parties can shape voters' preferences on important public policy issues. We explore this and other explanations using data from recent Eurobarometer and British Elections Study surveys. We find that general evaluations of the EU, British national identity and concerns over the democratic character of EU governance are stronger predictors of support for the single currency than which party a person supports. However, we also find that the influence of these factors varies with a citizen's level of information about the Euro, which suggests that the supply and use of information might be crucial in a referendum campaign. 相似文献