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201.
Barry K. Logan Ph.D. ; Brianne E. Akins M.S. ; J. Matthew Lacy M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2009,54(5):1205-1205
202.
The electrostatic process for imaging indentations on documents using the ESDA device is investigated under controlled experimental settings. An in-house modified commercial xerographic developer housing is used to control the uniformity and volume of toner deposition, allowing for reproducible image development. Along with this novel development tool, an electrostatic voltmeter and fixed environmental conditions facilitate an optimization process. Sample documents are preconditioned in a humidity cabinet with microprocessor control, and the significant benefit of humidification above 70% RH on image quality is verified. Improving on the subjective methods of previous studies, image quality analysis is carried out in an objective and reproducible manner using the PIAS-II. For the seven commercial paper types tested, the optimum ESDA operating point is found to be at an electric potential near -400V at the Mylar surface; however, for most paper types, the optimum operating regime is found to be quite broad, spanning relatively small electric potentials between -200 and -550V. At -400V, the film right above an indented area generally carries a voltage which is 30-50V less negative than the non-indented background. In contrast with Seward's findings [G.H. Seward, Model for electrostatic imaging of forensic evidence via discharge through Mylar-paper path, J. Appl. Phys. 83 (3) (1998) 1450-1456; G.H. Seward, Practical implications of the charge transport model for electrostatic detection apparatus (ESDA), J. Forensic Sci. 44 (4) (1999) 832-836], a period of charge decay before image development is not required when operating in this optimal regime. A brief investigation of the role played by paper-to-paper friction during the indentation process is conducted using our optimized development method. 相似文献
203.
204.
Matthew Edwards 《亚洲事务》2013,44(1):56-67
Matthew Edwards gained his BA (Hons) in History from the University of York and his MA in War Studies from King's College, London. He currently works at the UK Ministry of Defence. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and not necessarily those of the UK Ministry of Defence. 相似文献
205.
Matthew Kim 《Journal of Human Rights》2019,18(4):419-438
Why do states comply with international human rights law? Scholars have looked to domestic politics to suggest a constituency-driven domestic compliance mechanism. However, it is unclear if strong public support for compliance leads to greater willingness to comply among elected officials. This study is the first to empirically demonstrate the complete causal chain of a constituency-driven domestic compliance mechanism. Using a survey experiment, this study first finds that a strong state commitment to UN Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations (RTNC) increases public support for compliance. Using a parallel lab-in-the-field experiment of sitting legislators, the study then finds that a strong state commitment to RTNC is similarly associated with increased elite support for compliance. Finally, the study finds that public demand for compliance is associated with even greater elite support for compliance. Public demand for compliance seems to elicit elite willingness to comply by raising reputational concerns. 相似文献
206.
Opinion Backlash and Public Attitudes: Are Political Advances in Gay Rights Counterproductive? 下载免费PDF全文
Benjamin G. Bishin Thomas J. Hayes Matthew B. Incantalupo Charles Anthony Smith 《American journal of political science》2016,60(3):625-648
One long‐recognized consequence of the tension between popular sovereignty and democratic values like liberty and equality is public opinion backlash, which occurs when individuals recoil in response to some salient event. For decades, scholars have suggested that opinion backlash impedes policy gains by marginalized groups. Public opinion research, however, suggests that widespread attitude change that backlash proponents theorize is likely to be rare. Examining backlash against gays and lesbians using a series of online and natural experiments about marriage equality, and large‐sample survey data, we find no evidence of opinion backlash among the general public, by members of groups predisposed to dislike gays and lesbians, or from those with psychological traits that may predispose them to lash back. The important implication is that groups pursuing rights should not be dissuaded by threats of backlash that will set their movement back in the court of public opinion. 相似文献
207.
Matthew J. Moore 《New Political Science》2016,38(2):272-282
This article examines whether the American cultural phenomena of the practice of Buddhism or the Buddhism-derived technique of mindfulness are likely to be helpful to the political left. It summarizes the central teachings of the ancient Buddhist texts, with particular focus on the issues of mindfulness and politics. It also reviews the political history of Buddhist countries. The author argues that although modern Buddhism has shed its historical embrace of absolutist monarchy in favor of republicanism, and although there is some ideological overlap between Buddhism and the American Left, Buddhism in America is too small a movement for it to be of much significance for progressive politics. Mindfulness appears to be capable of becoming a much larger phenomenon, but its separation from its Buddhist origins makes it also unlikely to be strategically important for the Left. 相似文献
208.
Investigations into the causes and effects of parallel importinghave concentrated on price discrimination, but arbitrage canalso occur on non-price dimensions. Using a natural experimentin the New Zealand film distribution industry between May 1998and November 2001, we examine the effect of parallel importingon quality as it relates to the timing of the availability offilm media. We demonstrate that (a) cinema revenues were underminedas consumers substituted viewing films on parallel importedDVDs for the cinema format and (b) that studios responded tothe threat of parallel imported DVDs by bringing forward therelease of films into New Zealand cinemas. The reduced delaybetween US and New Zealand cinematic release dates is shownto be consistent with the introduction of competition when timingis a dimension of quality and choice. We conclude that parallelimportation of DVDs almost certainly resulted in a net increasein welfare in New Zealand. 相似文献
209.
Each year more offenders are sentenced to probation than to any other sanction in the criminal justice system. In spite of the saliency of probation programs, the evidence is mixed concerning their effectiveness. In order to address this important gap in the research, the authors sought to determine if probation was effective in achieving one of its stated goals: protecting public safety. In doing so, they conducted a macro-level analysis, exploring the relationship between probation caseloads and property crime rates in each county in California over a nine-year period. Results from a two-way fixed effects regression model suggested that as probation loads increased, so did crime. While additional research into the effectiveness of probation is clearly needed, the results of the analysis nevertheless indicated that improvements in public safety could be expected if probation caseloads were reduced. 相似文献
210.
Matthew A. Baum 《国际研究季刊》2002,46(2):263-298
Despite the massive attention heaped on the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon by public opinion scholars, relatively little attention has been paid to its constituent elements. Yet, recent research has found that different groups of Americans respond differently to presidents' activities according to their interests and attentiveness. In this study, I disaggregate public opinion along two dimensions: political party and political sophistication. I argue that in responding to high-profile presidential activities abroad, different groups of Americans weigh various individual, contextual, and situational factors differently. I investigate all major U.S. uses of force between 1953 and 1998 and find that the propensity of different groups to rally does indeed vary according to individual and environmental circumstances. To explain these differences, I employ two models of public opinion. The first emphasizes the importance of threshold effects in explaining opinion change. That is, individuals who are closest to the point of ambivalence between approval and disapproval are most likely to change their opinion in response to external circumstances. The second emphasizes both the propensities of different types of individuals to be exposed to a given piece of information, and their susceptibility to having their opinion influenced by any additional information. My results offer a more nuanced picture of the nature and extent of the rally phenomenon than has been available in previous studies. My findings also hold important implications for other related scholarly debates, such as whether, and under what circumstances, the use of force can successfully divert public attention from a president's domestic political difficulties. 相似文献