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This article examines use of performance measurement and accountability factors and the related changes to accounting systems after organizations are privatised. The outcome has been determined by reviewing prior research and by undertaking a survey of organizations privatised in Australia between 1990 and 1998. Although the government's primary motivation might have been the reduction of government debt overall, changes in performance indicators, accountability factors and information systems suggest that efficiency remains an ongoing goal of the new management arrangements. The article concludes that there have been changes in performance measurement and accountability and that this has required some adjustment to accounting information systems, but not to the extent expected. 相似文献
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Is the Australian Labor Party (ALP) one party, or eight? Academic accounts of the ALP throughout its history have emphasised the importance of state-based policy-making and organisation as evidence that the “life of the party” occurs within state and territory branches. However, over the last three decades, changes to the national conference and constitution, the increasing prominence of national leaders and the professionalisation of campaigning practices have arguably created the conditions for a far more centralised organisation, raising the question of whether, in 2019, there is anything distinctive about the ALP state and territory branches beyond the jurisdictions in which they operate. In this article, we investigate the distinctiveness of state Labor branches in terms of their formal organisational diversity and the characteristics and attitudes of their supporters. Using data from an original survey of Australian party supporters conducted in 2016, as well as undertaking an analysis of formal party rules, we show that the ALP exhibits a high degree of organisational uniformity across its branches, and supporters of the party in all states and territories very closely resemble each other. We conclude that even though the party maintains a federal structure it is possible to study its supportership and formal structure as a national organisation. 相似文献
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Max Grömping 《政治交往》2019,36(3):452-475
Studies investigating the agenda-setting of human rights groups disagree on both their prospects of garnering political attention, and the factors that help them in that quest. This study makes the argument that we need to take account of both macro-institutional opportunity structures and actor-level strategies in order to gain a more complete understanding of the group-media interface. Specifically, it posits that the urgency of social problems only drives media attention toward groups if a country’s media landscape is sufficiently free, and that within these institutional constraints, groups themselves can enhance their media access by providing newsmakers with information subsidies. These claims are substantiated by way of a novel cross-nationally comparative data set of more than 1,000 domestic election monitoring and advocacy organizations. Findings show that media attention is structurally limited by the degree to which the news media serve as an open arena, and that even in countries with a free press, few groups achieve media access. At the same time, the most successful groups are not necessarily the most resourceful ones. Rather, strategic choices to invest in media effort, narrow policy engagement, and professionalization substitute for scarce resources, thereby giving groups “more bang for their buck.” The results clarify the causal mechanisms behind the dominance of resource-rich groups on the media agenda and reinforce calls for more globally comparative research into media agenda-setting. 相似文献
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Drawing on the psychological principle that proximal consequences influence behavior more strongly than distal consequences, the authors tested the hypothesis that criminal suspects exhibit a short-sightedness during police interrogation that increases their risk for confession. Consistent with this hypothesis, Experiment 1 showed that participants (N = 81) altered how frequently they admitted to criminal and unethical behaviors during an interview to avoid a proximal consequence even though doing so increased their risk of incurring a distal consequence. Experiment 2 (N = 143) yielded the same pattern, but with a procedure that reversed the order of the proximal and distal consequences, thereby ruling out the possibility that it was the unique characteristics of the consequences rather than their proximity that influenced the admission rate. The authors discuss the supported psychological process as a potential explanation for several well-established findings reported in the literature on confessions. 相似文献
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Business as Usual? Bail Decision Making and “Micro Politics” in an Australian Magistrates Court
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Max Travers 《Law & social inquiry》2017,42(2):325-346
Between the 1970s and 1990s, political scientists in the United States pursued a distinctive research program that employed ethnographic methods to study micro politics in criminal courts. This article considers the relevance of this concept for court researchers today through a case study about bail decision making in a lower criminal court in Australia. It describes business as usual in how decisions are made and the provision of pretrial services. It also looks at how traditionalists and reformers understood business as usual, and uses this as a critical concept to make visible micro politics in this court. The case study raises issues about organizational change in criminal courts since the 1990s, since there are fewer studies about plea bargaining and more about specialist or problem‐solving courts. It is suggested that we need a new international agenda that can address change and continuity in criminal courts. 相似文献
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Harri Kalimo Filip Sedefov Max S. Jansson 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2017,17(3):427-443
The interrelationship between renewable energy support policies and World Trade Organization (WTO) law is an important recent manifestation of the challenge to reconcile environmental and economic values in contemporary societies. This article strives to contribute to the discussion by using the intersection between policies to support renewable energy, in particular sustainable biofuels in the EU, and the WTO’s Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures as a case study. The article discusses how efforts to promote renewable energy seem to have become contingent upon the core legal notion of ‘relevant markets’. The article further claims that this contingency is problematic: renewable energy markets are highly complex in practice, and combined with the WTO’s convoluted interpretations of ‘relevant markets’, the legal outcomes struggle to find the proper balance between appropriate support for sustainability and the prevention of protectionist market fragmentation. 相似文献
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