全文获取类型
收费全文 | 396篇 |
免费 | 30篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 16篇 |
工人农民 | 59篇 |
世界政治 | 25篇 |
外交国际关系 | 16篇 |
法律 | 233篇 |
中国政治 | 9篇 |
政治理论 | 67篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 7篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 23篇 |
2018年 | 25篇 |
2017年 | 30篇 |
2016年 | 30篇 |
2015年 | 19篇 |
2014年 | 21篇 |
2013年 | 32篇 |
2012年 | 14篇 |
2011年 | 23篇 |
2010年 | 29篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 25篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 12篇 |
2005年 | 16篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 3篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1965年 | 1篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
1963年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有426条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
Melissa J. Marschall Anirudh V. S. Ruhil Paru R. Shah 《American journal of political science》2010,54(1):107-124
In this study we revisit the question of black representation on city councils and school boards using a novel substantive and methodological approach and longitudinal data for a sample of over 300 boards and councils. Conceptualizing black representation as a two-stage process, we fit Mullahy's hurdle Poisson models to explain whether and to what extent blacks achieve representation in local legislatures. We find that while the size of the black population and electoral arrangements matter more than ever, especially for overcoming the representational hurdle, the extent to which the black population is concentrated is also strongly associated with black council representation. Further, whereas black resources and opportunities to build "rainbow" coalitions with Latinos or liberal whites are marginally if at all related to black legislative representation, we find that legislative size is an underappreciated mechanism by which to increase representation, particularly in at-large systems, and is perhaps the best predictor of moving towards additional representation. 相似文献
122.
Citizens have always had an important role in the crime control process; they are most often responsible for the detection
of crime. It is imperative, therefore, that citizens perceive police officers to be competent and just in the execution of
their duties; in the absence of such confidence, the process suffers. Ironically, the groups which are most often the victims
of crime hold the most negative attitudes toward the police. Minorities in urban communities, particularly blacks, fit this
pattern. These attitudes appear to be linked to the perception of negative, differential experiences with the police, experiences
which often lead to the filing of a formal complaint. Using a data set from the complaint files of a large American city,
this article explores the relationship between the attitudes of blacks toward the police, experiences with the police, and
complaints lodged against the police. 相似文献
123.
124.
125.
126.
This article examines the impact of one- and two-officer patrol units on police-citizen interactions which resulted in the filing of citizen complaints against the officer(s). Specifically, it is hypothesized that there is no difference between one- and two-officer units (1) in the rate of injuries to officers in hostile police-citizen interactions, (2) in the number of citizen complainant injuries received in such interactions, (3) in the number of resisting arrest-type charges placed against the citizen, and (4) in the type of charge placed against the citizen in the incident. The data indicate that the impact of staffing is felr more by citizens than officers. When controlling for shift and dangerousness of precinct of occurrence, citizens were found to be more likely to be injured in hostile police-citizen encounters than the police, especially when two officers were present. Officers in two-officer units were more likely to arrest the citizen in the incident which precipitated the complaint and the arrest of that citizen was most likely to be for the more serious charge of assaulting an officer. The results suggest that lone officers resolve more disputes without resorting to formal outcomes. The implications of these findings for police patrol strategy are discussed. 相似文献
127.
128.
129.
130.
189 samples from 3 different U.S. sample groups Caucasian (74), African American (71) and Hispanic (44) were typed for 70 autosomal genetic markers. These 70 markers are bi-allelic (C/T) short nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). For each sample, the 70 SNP markers were typed in 11 unique 6-plexes and a single 4-plex PCR. A total of 10 of the 210 tests (70 loci x 3 populations) for Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium indicated a statistically significant result. In order to evaluate the minimum number of SNP loci needed to distinguish all 189 samples from one another, we ranked the loci according to their levels of observed heterozygosity and p-values obtained upon testing for Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium. The top 12 loci according to these ranking criteria were tabulated along with the number of unique genotypes observed when combining subsequent SNP markers. The 12 selected SNPs possessed an observed heterozygosity of >0.45 in all three populations examined and thus would be expected to exhibit more differences between samples. All of the 189 samples in this study were individualized with a subset of 12 SNP loci. However, it is likely that the addition of more than 12 SNP loci will be required to resolve larger sets of unrelated individuals from one another. By way of comparison, in these same 189 individuals all but one pair is resolved from one another with three of the traditional short tandem repeat (STR) loci possessing the highest heterozygosity values (D2S1338, D18S51, and FGA) run with the Identifiler kit. The final pair of unrelated samples could be resolved with the combination of 4 STR loci: D2S1338, D18S51, FGA, and VWA. 相似文献