Exploring uniformity and variability in local electoral outcomes: Some evidence from English local elections 1985–1991

A detailed analysis of English local elections between 1985 and 1991 seems to support the propositions that a proportion of electors hold contradictory local and national voting preferences at one and the same time; and that there is significant variation in party performance both between and within local authorities. The paper concludes that the stimuli to which electors respond in local elections are often those most relevant to the ‘context’ in which their vote is cast. If partisan dealignment has led to a greater willingness on the part of the electorate to regard voting as a matter of ‘horses for courses’, there may not only be a further fragmentation in the results of elections of all kinds but the parties may experience different degrees of success depending on the nature of the contest.     

Eliminatorische ethnische Säuberungen: Eine makrosoziologische Erklärung

Der vorliegende Aufsatz entwickelt eine makrosoziologische Strategie zur Erklärung eliminatiorischer ethnischer Säuberungen. In einem ersten Schritt wird gezeigt, dass Ansätze, die den Staat oder eine schwache Zivilgesellschaft als zentralen Erklärungsfaktor heranziehen, der historischen Vielfalt und Komplexität der zu erklärenden Ereignisse nicht gerecht werden. Vielmehr ist eine präzise Analyse politischer Akteure und Akteurskonstellationen erforderlich. In einem zweiten Schritt wird in der Form einer Typologie das theoretische Möglichkeitsfeld politischer Konstellationen ethnischer Gruppen abgesteckt, wobei Multikulturalismus und Genozid die Extrempole der Typologie markieren. Im dritten und umfangreichsten Teil des Aufsatzes wird schließlich in Form einer fünfstufigen weltgeschichtlichen Periodisierung eine historisch-vergleichende Strategie zur Erklärung ethnischer Säuberungsprozesse skizziert. Dabei wird deutlich, wie die Faktoren Sprache, Religion und Territorialität (Provinz) bei der politischen Formierung konkreter ethnischer Akteurskonstellationen so zusammenwirken, dass das gesamte zuvor entwickelte typisierende Möglichkeitsfeld historisch abgedeckt wird.     

New Labour's Third Way: pragmatism and governance

The article critically examines New Labour's development of the concept of the Third Way. Despite the apparent centrality of 'social democracy' to the Third Way, it is proposed that a more pragmatic approach dominates, in that outputs and not ideology are driving the new agenda of governance under New Labour. This is seen to have its roots in the new ways of working the party has embraced in local governance, where publicÐprivate partnerships have become the norm and a new ethos of public service has emerged. In contrast with the top-down approach to setting output targets favoured by Tony Blair, the Third Way offers the possibility of a more experimental, pragmatic and decentralised decision-making process—and the local governance network (with elected local councils as pivotal and legitimising actors) is presented as the ideal agent to deliver this.     

Toward analysis of the relations among the youth counterculture,telephone hotlines,and anonymity

During the 1960s, there emerged a youth culture which had two major orientations: the Counterculture and the Movement. We are well informed about this youth culture, its social values, social norms, and emergent social roles (e.g., hippie, freak, radical, dropout). Part of these social and political movements was the creation of alternative, counterculture, or radical human service programs. Early examples were free medical clinics, drop-in centers, and telephone hotlines. Among the actual differences in these programs compared to older, established human service agencies was (is) the prominent position of the social value of client anonymity. This notion of client anonymity is examined in the attempt to understand its role in the relations among themes of the Counterculture, individual youth, their peers, and youth-serving agencies.Holds degrees in social work and public health and is currently completing a report of a national survey of hotlines and youth crisis programs and working with others in editing papers for a monograph from a conference on evaluating hotlines. The survey data will appear in that publication.     

Political Parties,Australia and the U.S. Alliance: 1976-2016

ABSTRACT

What causes variation in the foreign policies of U.S. allies regarding their desired U.S. military role in their region and their troop commitments to U.S. military interventions? This paper addresses this question through documenting and explaining the sources of variation in Australia’s foreign policies regarding these issues over four decades. Treating the two major political parties in Australia and their respective leaders who self-select into them as endogenous, the paper argues that Australian foreign policy, whilst always supportive of the U.S. alliance, has systematically varied. This variation has correlated with the political party in power while the late Cold War and post-Cold War balances of power remained constant. While the Labor party has only been willing to send combat troops to large U.S. military interventions when the latter have a supporting United Nations Security Council Resolution, the conservative Liberal party has been willing to military intervene without this multilateral support. The Labor party, unlike the Liberal party, has also frequently proposed the formation and consolidation of multilateral regional institutions. These preferences render the U.S. to have been necessary for the Labor Party but sufficient for the Liberal party. Future Sino-U.S. armed conflict would provide a harder test of these hypotheses.